The existing literature on economic resilience of cities and regions shows that attention has been mainly paid to its characterization as capabilities and outcomes, while little research has been conducted on it as processes. This paper aims to address this knowledge gap. Drawing upon institutional change theories, this paper proposes an approach, and tries to explain how different modes of the institutional change affect industrial evolution and thus generate divergent resilience of cities. The approach is applied to the two case studies of Chinese mining cities, namely Zaozhuang in Shandong province and Fuxin in Liaoning province, which are both faced with resource depletion since 2000. By focusing on the ways in which new industries emerge, the empirical investigation illustrates that Zaozhuang's resilience involves positive layering and conversion that have enabled industrial renewal and diversification, whereas Fuxin's resilience unfolds with institutional thickening, characterized by industrial adjustment with strong effects of path persistence and extension. This study suggests that the institutional change approach can better update the understanding of regional resilience by incorporating processes, capabilities and outcomes.
[HuXiaohui.A review and progress on regional economic resilience. , 2012, 34(8): 64-72.]
Hu XH, HassinkR.New perspectives on restructuring of old industrial areas in China: A critical review and research agenda. , 2017, 25(1): 110-122.
BoschmaR.Towards an evolutionary perspective on regional resilience. , 2015, 49(5): 733-751.http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00343404.2014.959481
Boschma R. Towards an evolutionary perspective on regional resilience, Regional Studies. This paper proposes an evolutionary perspective on regional resilience. It conceptualizes resilience not just as the ability of a region to accommodate shocks, but extends it to the long-term ability of regions to develop new growth paths. A comprehensive view on regional resilience is proposed in which history is key to understand how regions develop new growth paths, and in which industrial, network and institutional dimensions of resilience come together. Resilient regions are capable of overcoming a trade-off between adaptation and adaptability, as embodied in related and unrelated variety, loosely coupled networks and loosely coherent institutional structures.
HassinkR.Regional resilience: A promising concept to explain differences in regional economic adaptability?. Cambridge Journal of Regions, , 2010, 3(1): 45-58.
BatheltH, GlücklerJ.Institutional change in economic geography. , 2014, 38(3): 340-363.http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0309132513507823
This paper develops a rigorous concept of institutions to investigate the interrelationships between institutional and economic change from the perspective of economic geography. We view institutions neither as behavioural regularities nor as organizations or rules, but conceive institutions as stabilizations of mutual expectations and correlated interaction. The paper discusses how economic interaction in space is shaped by existing institutions, how this leads to economic decisions and new rounds of action, and how their intended and unintended consequences impact or enact new/existing institutions. The paper explores three modes of institutional change 鈥 hysteresis, emergent change, and institutional entrepreneurship.
MacKinnonD, CumbersA, PikeA, et al. Evolution in economic geography: Institutions, political economy, and adaptation. , 2009, 85(2): 129-150.http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ecge.2009.85.issue-2
Economic geography has, over the past decade or so, drawn upon ideas from evolutionary economics in trying to understand processes of regional growth and change. Recently, some researchers have sought to delimit and develop an "evolutionary economic geography" (EEG), aiming to create a more systematic theoretical framework for research. This article provides a sympathetic critique and elaboration of this emergent EEG but takes issue with some aspects of its characterization in recent programmatic statements. While acknowledging that EEG is an evolving and pluralist project, we are concerned that the reliance on certain theoretical frameworks that are imported from evolutionary economics and complexity science threatens to isolate it from other approaches in economic geography, limiting the opportunities for cross-fertilization. In response, the article seeks to develop a social and pluralist conception of institutions and social agency in EEG, drawing upon the writings of leading institutional economists, and to link evolutionary concepts to political economy approaches, arguing that the evolution of the economic landscape must be related to processes of capital accumulation and uneven development. As such, we favor the use of evolutionary and institutional concepts within a geographical political economy approach, rather than the construction of some kind of theoretically separate EEG芒聙聰evolution in economic geography, not an evolutionary economic geography.
[CaiJianming, GuoHua, WangDegen.Review on the resilient city research overseas. , 2012, 31(10): 1245-1255.]
HassinkR.Locked in decline? On the role of regional lock-ins in old industrial areas. . Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2010.
SimmieJ, MartinR.The economic resilience of regions: Towards an evolutionary approach. Cambridge Journal of Regions, , 2010, 3(1): 27-43.http://cjres.oxfordjournals.org/content/3/1/27.full
In this paper, we review the different definitions of resilience and their potential application in explaining the long-term development of urban and regional economies. We reject equilibrist versions of resilience and argue instead that we should seek an understanding of the concept from an evolutionary perspective. After discussing a number of such perspectives, we focus on the adaptive cycle model from panarchy theory to generate testable hypotheses concerning urban and regional resilience. Two case study city-regional economies are used to explore this model. We conclude that the evolutionary adaptive cycle model, though not without problems, warrants further study as a framework for analysing regional economic resilience. Copyright 2009, Oxford University Press.
Cowell MM.Bounce back or more on: Regional resilience and economic development planning. , 2013, 30(3): 212-222.http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0264275112000601
While psychologists and ecologists have identified many factors that increase the odds of resilience in a person or an ecosystem, economic development officials and planning scholars do not yet have a firm grasp on how economic development planning relates to regional resilience. This study explores how two regions - Buffalo, New York and Cleveland, Ohio - have adapted and responded to deindustrialization using economic development. Interviews were conducted with past and present planning and economic development leaders and historical and current economic development plans were analyzed in order to increase our understanding of how regions respond to challenges, how economic development planning shapes these responses, and how both economic development planning and the larger response relate to adaptive resilience in distressed regions. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Treado CD.Pittsburgh's evolving steel legacy and the steel technology cluster. Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy, , 2010, 3(1): 105-120.http://cjres.oxfordjournals.org/content/3/1/105.full
Using an industry studies approach, this article provides an assessment of a cluster of product and service providers that have leveraged regional expertise in a declining industry (steel) to continue to supply technology to a global industry. The formation of Pittsburgh's steel technology cluster has depended on three main regional factors: location, labour and legacy. In particular, Pittsburgh's expertise and long tradition in metallurgy and materials science has been the ultimate source of the cluster's success and the region's resilience. The results of this research have practical and theoretical implications for regional economic development policy and its relationship to path dependence. Copyright 2009, Oxford University Press.
Hervas-OliverJ, JacksonI, Tomlinson PR.'May the ovens never grow cold': Regional resilience and industrial policy in the North Staffordshire ceramics industrial district with lessons from Sassoulo and Castellon. , 2011, 32(4): 377-395.http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01442872.2011.571855
HassinkR.Advancing the understanding of regional economic adaptability in a non-Western context: An introduction to the special issue. , 2017, 48(2): 194-200.http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/grow.2017.48.issue-2
Hu XH, HassinkR.Place leadership with Chinese characteristics? A case study of the Zaozhuang coal-mining region in transition. , 2017, 51: 224-234.https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00343404.2016.1200189
LiewL.China's engagement with neo-liberalism: Path dependency, geography and party self-reinvention. , 2005, 41(2): 331-352.http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0022038042000309278
China's post-Mao market reform, even after the Asian crisis, does not conform to the standard IMF/World Bank model and the state continues to mediate market reform. Three principal factors have influenced how the state mediates China's market reform: path dependency, a result of China's communist and nationalist revolution; China's geography, which favours developmental-state-type industrialisation; and most important of all, the Chinese Communist Party's successful post-Mao self-reinvention that has enabled it to remain in power as a monopolistic party. These factors determine that China's engagement with neo-liberalism will be a loose hug rather than an intimate embrace.
Lim KF.Socialism with Chinese characteristics: Uneven development, variegated neoliberalization and the dialectical differentiation of state spatiality. , 2014, 38(2): 221-247.http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0309132513476822
abstract We discuss the assumptions that underlie path dependence, as defined by Vergne and Durand, and then provide the outlines of an alternative perspective which we label as path creation. Path creation entertains a notion of agency that is distributed and emergent through relational processes that constitute phenomena. Viewed from this perspective, ‘initial conditions’ are not given, ‘contingencies’ are emergent contexts for action, ‘self-reinforcing mechanisms’ are strategically manipulated, and ‘lock-in’ is but a temporary stabilization of paths in-the-making. We develop these points using a narrative approach and highlight the theoretical and methodological implications of our perspective.
ThelenK.How institutions evolve: Insights from comparative-historical analysis. . New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003.http://www.researchgate.net/publication/246390327_How_Institutions_Evolve_Insights_from_Comparative-Historical_Analysis
Abstract This essay explores the question of how formal institutions change. Despite the importance assigned by many scholars to the role of institutions in structuring political life, the issue of how these institutions are themselves shaped and reconfigured over time has not received the attention it is due. In the 1970s and 1980s, a good deal of comparative institutionalist work centered on comparative statics and was concerned with demonstrating the ways in which different institutional arrangements drove divergent political and policy outcomes (e.g., Katzenstein 1978). In addition, scholarship in the comparative historical tradition has yielded important insights into the genesis of divergent (usually national) trajectories. Works in this vein include some classics such as Gerschenkron (1962), Moore (1966), and Shefter (1977), but also significant recent contributions such as Collier and Collier (1991), Skocpol (1992), Spruyt (1994), Ertman (1997), Gould (1999), and Huber and Stephens (2001). Finally, we have a number of analyses that address the issue of “feedback mechanisms” that are responsible for the reproduction of various institutional and policy trajectories over time (e.g., Pierson 1993; Skocpol 1992; Weir 1992b). Ongoing theoretical work centering on the concept of path dependence by Mahoney, Pierson, and others has lent greater precision to previous formulations based on the dual notions of “critical junctures” and “historical trajectories” (Mahoney 2000; Pierson 2000a). As these authors have shown, some of the major works in comparative historical analysis can be read as illustrations of path dependence in social and political development.
Van der HeijdenJ. A short history of studying incremental institutional change: Does explaining institutional change provide any new explanations?. , 2010, 4(2): 230-243.http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/%28ISSN%291748-5991
MahoneyJ, ThelenK.A theory of gradual institutional change. . Explaining Institutional Change: Ambiguity, Agency, and Power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.http://www.researchgate.net/publication/50368550_A_Theory_of_Gradual_Institutional_Change
Abstract Once created, institutions often change in subtle and gradual ways over time. Although less dramatic than abrupt and wholesale transformations, these slow and piecemeal changes can be equally consequential for patterning human behavior and for shaping substantive political outcomes. Consider, for example, the British House of Lords. This is an institution that began to take shape in the thirteenth century out of informal consultations between the Crown and powerful landowners. By the early nineteenth century, membership was hereditary and the chamber was fully institutionalized at the center of British politics. Who would have thought that this deeply undemocratic assembly of aristocrats would survive the transition to democracy? Not the early Labour Party, which was founded in 1900 and understandably committed to the elimination of a chamber from which its constituents were, more or less by definition, excluded Yet Labour did not dismantle the House of Lords – despite recurring opportunities to do so during the twentieth century. Instead, the institution was reformed over time in a series of more measured moves that, successively: circumscribed its powers (especially in 1911 by a Liberal Party government), altered its composition (especially in 1958 under a Conservative government, with the addition of life peerages), and rendered it less unwieldy and – in the eyes of some – more legitimate (in 2000 under a Labour government, by reducing dramatically the number of hereditary peers).
IsaksenA.Industrial development in thin regions: Trapped in path extension?. , 2015, 15(3): 585-600.https://academic.oup.com/joeg/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/jeg/lbu026
Recent theorizing of path dependence supplements the traditional view of regional path-dependent industrial development characterized by lock-in effects with paths dealing with change, that is, path renewal and path creation. Few studies, however, examine why different types of regions experience diverse path-dependent development. This article examines why organizationally thin regions are much less likely to achieve path renewal and path creation than core regions. By use of a case study of industrial development in an organizationally thin and rather peripheral region in Norway the article contends that thin regions often need external investments to avoid being trapped in path extension.
MorganK.Path dependence and the state. . London: Routledge, 2013.
Tsai KS.Adaptive informal institutions and endogenous institutional change in China. , 2006, 59(1): 116-141.http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0043887100020748
Under certain circumstances, the etiology of endogenous institutional change lies in the informal coping strategies devised by local actors to evade the restrictions of formal institutions. With repetition and diffusion, these informal coping strategies may take on an institutional reality of their own. The author calls the resulting norms and practicesadaptiveinformal institutions because they represent creative responses to formal institutional environments that actors find too constraining. Adaptive informal institutions may then motivate elites to reform the original formal institutions. This contention is illustrated by three major institutional changes that have occurred in the course of China's private sector development since the late 1970s he legalization of private enterprise, the admission of capitalists into the Chinese Communist Party, and the amendment of the state constitution to promote the private economy.
ArbuthnottA, ErikssonJ, WincentJ.When a new industry meets traditional and declining ones: An integrative approach towards dialectics and social movement theory in a model of regional industry emergence processes. , (3): 290-308.
丁四保, 孙淼. 资源枯竭型城市发展困境与中央政府的作为. , 2006, 25(5): 1-5.
[DingSibao, SunMiao.The development plight of Chinese resource-exhausted cities and the countermeasures of central government. , 2006, 25(5): 1-5.]
阜新统计局. . 北京:\ 中国统计出版社, 2017.
[Fuxin Statistical Bureau.. Beijing: China Statistics Press, 2017.]
[Zaozhuang Statistical Bureau.. Beijing: China Statistics Press, 2017.]
Hu XH.State-led path creation in China's rustbelt: The case of Fuxin. Regional Studies, , 2014, 1(1): 294-300.
Hu XH, YangC.Building a role model for rust belt cities? Fuxin's economic revitalization in question. , 2018, 72, 245-251.http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0264275117307746
Fuxin is a resource-based prefecture-level city of Liaoning province in Northeast China. Despite its remote location, short urban history and sparse population, the city was positioned as a nationwide role model of socialist economy by the central state in the Maoist era. However, the city economy quickly turned into decline in the wake of market reforms and resource depletion. Since 2001 the central state has been striving to revitalize Fuxin's economy, through pumping massive investment for developing new industry. Many claim that given the rapid rise of several new industries Fuxin has successfully regained its role model position for rust belt cities to revitalize, but this taken-for-granted conclusion is questionable. This City Profile challenges the prevailing role-model idea of Fuxin's revitalization, with a particular focus on the emerging negative impacts engendered by the top-down policy interventions. We critically analyze why national policies failed to help the city transform, and argue that Fuxin's economy has suffered from critical problems.
[YangXianming, JiaoHuafu, XuJili.Study on the evolution model, process and influence factors of the coal resource-based cities' spatial structure: A case study of Huainan city. , 2015, 34(3): 513-524.]