地理研究  2015 , 34 (9): 1697-1707 https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201509008

Orginal Article

城市新兴技术产业的演化路径比较分析——以长三角物联网产业为例

汪明峰, 郗厚雪

华东师范大学中国现代城市研究中心,上海 200062

The evolutionary paths of new emerging industry in cities: A case study of the Internet of things industry in the Yangtze River Delta region

WANG Mingfeng, XI Houxue

Center for Modern Chinese City Studies, East China Normal University, Shanghai 200062, China

收稿日期: 2015-03-8

修回日期:  2015-06-25

网络出版日期:  2015-09-15

版权声明:  2015 《地理研究》编辑部 《地理研究》编辑部

基金资助:  国家自然科学基金项目(41371175)教育部人文社会科学重点研究基地重大项目(13JJD840010)

作者简介:

作者简介:汪明峰(1977- ),男,浙江绍兴人,副研究员,主要从事城市地理与区域规划研究。E-mail: mfwang@re.ecnu.edu.cn

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摘要

1990年代后期以来,经济地理学出现了演化思潮,一些新的概念为分析产业的空间演化提供了有效的理论工具。基于演化经济地理学中的路径依赖理论,以长三角地区的物联网产业为例,探讨了新兴产业兴起和演化过程的地方差异。重点选取无锡、上海、南京和杭州四个城市,采用多案例比较的方法,从产业发展的历史基础、集群状况、政府政策,以及主要动力机制等方面,分析了4个案例的异同点,并突出这些城市在区域经济和制度环境方面的差异。对产业演化机制的讨论还发现,技术基础、政策推动和偶然性事件是新兴技术产业初始发展阶段的主要动因。

关键词: 新兴产业 ; 路径依赖 ; 路径创造 ; 物联网产业 ; 长三角地区

Abstract

The geography of innovation and the regional development have attracted considerable scholarly attention, especially the spatial evolution processes of new technologies, enterprises, and industries. The development of a particular industry varies across locations, and more work is needed to study an emerging industry from a geographical perspective. The evolutionary economic geography provides effective theoretical tools for the analysis of the spatial evolution of industries and contributes to a better cognition of the mechanism for the evolution of economic landscapes. A significant agglomeration has been found in the Internet of things (IoT) industry in the following locations: Yangtze River Delta region, Pearl River Delta region, Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei (Bohai Rim) region, and some developed cities in the central and western regions of China. As the origin of the IoT industry, the Yangtze River Delta region has a full-fledged industry chain. Based on the path dependence theory, this paper explores the local differences of the emergence and evolution of the IoT industry in four cities of the Yangtze River Delta region: Wuxi, Shanghai, Nanjing, and Hangzhou. In Wuxi, occasional opportunity and local government are the significant determinants, while the development of IoT industry in Shanghai is driven by the industrial base and innovative institutional environment. For Nanjing and Hangzhou, the interactions between the fundamental conditions of industry and the state policies are the major impetuses. In conclusion, technological base, government policy, and occasional opportunity are the main drivers in the initial stage of emerging industry in China.

Keywords: new emerging industry ; path dependence ; path creation ; IoT industry ; the Yangtze River Delta region

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汪明峰, 郗厚雪. 城市新兴技术产业的演化路径比较分析——以长三角物联网产业为例[J]. , 2015, 34(9): 1697-1707 https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201509008

WANG Mingfeng, XI Houxue. The evolutionary paths of new emerging industry in cities: A case study of the Internet of things industry in the Yangtze River Delta region[J]. 地理研究, 2015, 34(9): 1697-1707 https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201509008

1 引言

新的技术、企业、产业的空间过程日益受到各界关注[1,2]。对于不同的国家和地区而言,同一产业的兴起和发展路径往往存在差异[3-6]。因此,从地理学的视角研究新兴产业问题至关重要。1990年代后期以来,经济地理学出现了演化思潮,一些概念如相关多样性、重组增长、路径依赖等,为分析产业的空间演化提供了有效的理论工具[7-11]。最近几年,国内在对演化经济地理学的理论引介基础上[12-15],开展的相关实证研究也日益增多。

然而,西方演化经济学的理论范式在中国存在适用性的问题。已有学者指出应该避免将基于西方经验的理论简单直接地应用到中国,而应该更多从中国“初始的经验”里提炼、抽象出一些基本概念[14]。梳理国内相关经验研究成果,可以发现较多文献采用单案例研究,侧重于分析特定产业在特定区位的演化过程。事实上,同一产业在不同区位上往往存在复杂的、差异化的演化路径[6,16,17]。开展不同案例地区的比较研究,有助于理论建构和政策建议的普遍性[14]。此外,目前的研究大多集中在传统制造业领域[10,18,19],对于新兴技术产业的关注相对较少。而发展新兴产业是地区增强竞争力、抢占未来经济制高点的重要战略选择。近几年,在国家和地方各级政府的推动下,战略性新兴产业在各地已纷纷兴起和发展。这一广受关注的现象及其背后发生的众多故事为演化经济地理学研究提供了丰富的素材和案例,值得深入挖掘和进行理论总结。

基于演化经济地理学中的路径依赖理论,以长三角地区的物联网产业为例,探讨新兴产业兴起和演化过程的地方差异。据相关统计,2012年中国物联网产业规模已达3651.1亿元,并初步形成了长三角、珠三角和京津冀(环渤海)三大地区集群发展的产业空间格局[20]。其中,长三角地区的物联网产业是最先兴起的。在此过程中,有不少问题和现象值得分析和解释,例如:物联网这一新兴产业是如何最先出现在长三角地区的;长三角吸引物联网企业集聚的机制是什么;长三角各个城市物联网的兴起发展模式是否一致,如果不同,其不同背后的影响机制又是什么,等等。

2 城市新兴产业的形成与发展:路径依赖理论的视角

经济活动的空间集聚现象一直是经济学与地理学较为关注的一个问题。Hoover曾在Marshall的基础上把外部经济效益分为地方化经济和城市化经济两个层面[21]。Henderson等认为地方化经济对成熟产业发展起重要作用,而城市化经济对高新技术产业起主要作用[22]。Boschma等发现城市化经济在产业兴起阶段起重要作用,而地方化经济可能在后期阶段起一定作用[23]。可见,产业发展的空间机制与其发展阶段有关,需要动态的来认识和解释。最近,演化理论被越来越多地应用于产业空间的动态分析[24]。路径依赖理论常被经济地理学者以历史的角度来看待区域发展,且被认为是经济演化的基本定律[25]。David把路径依赖定义为历史偶然性的选择,并有可能锁定在具有多重稳定的均衡之中;一旦锁定,就需要一种外在类似刺激物来驱除或打破这种均衡状态[26,27]。Sydow等认为David路径依赖模型存在两点不足:一是强调历史性事件和偶然事件的重要性,忽视了新技术和新产品等的产生是有目的的行为;二是未解释路径锁定是怎么解除、打破和消除的[28]。Sydow等认为应该有形成前、路径创造、路径锁定和路径消除四个阶段。

事实上,一般对路径依赖的认识存在三种观点[29]:技术锁定、动态收益递增,以及制度滞后(institutional hysteresis)。从区域的视角来看,各种地方资源要素都有可能导致区域路径依赖[29]。对经济地理学来讲,利用路径依赖模型来解释特定产业、技术或制度的演化有两种主要的途径[30]。一是针对特定区位的演化,集中于确定导致一个区域产业、技术和制度(路径创造)出现的基本和必要要素,自我强化机制的类型,以及协同演化过程,并解释未来路径依赖的发展。二是针对跨区位的演化,不太关注特定地区、特定产业的路径依赖演化,但较多关注于一个产业在不同地区和不同位置下是如何空间演化的。就如在David路径依赖基础演化模型中,其前提假设是新技术或新产业最初位置具有不确定性,可能几个位置都同等适合,但最终确定的位置往往由机会或偶然事件决定[27]

Martin等曾指出路径创造存在三种途径[29]:① 路径创造是随机的,即历史偶然性的结果;② 路径创造是限制性条件和机会事件的综合结果,即所谓的区位机会窗口;③ 路径创造是成功(区域)路径之间的依赖,如硅谷互联网产业的浮现是由于这个区域已有的风险资本产业[31]。其中,对于政府政策(包括国家层面的、区域的、有明确区域的或者没有的)在路径创造中的作用存在争议。一些研究认为政府政策对区域技术发展的支持效果并不明显[32]。Lambooy等曾梳理了两种不同演化机制下的区域政策作用[33]:一是认为机会的区位不确定性表明新的发展路径是不可能规划甚至预测的;二是认为如果政策目标强烈地根植于周遭环境,区域政策的潜在影响是非常大的。

目前对于产业空间演化机制的研究在原有理论探讨的基础上,也出现了越来越多的经验研究,尤其是对于新兴产业的兴起和发展[34]。一项对发达国家知识密集型产业集群的研究,比较了10个区域案例,发现高技术集群的涌现很少是决策者有目的推进的结果,同时也不是靠机会就能发生[4]。但也有研究表明在各个空间尺度上,政策对区域新兴产业的发展均具有显著的影响作用[3]。对中国的案例研究则普遍强调产业发展过程中政府的作用。北京和上海互联网产业的比较分析表明,相关多样性在构建新兴产业地方活力中发挥着主导作用,其背后也受到政治制度的区域根植性的显著影响[9]。上海软件企业的案例研究也显示,政府规划引导和优惠政策在软件产业集聚区的形成过程(特别是早期阶段)中起到重要的作用,但市场的力量似乎更加显著[35]

综上所述,区域产业的形成和发展存在路径依赖,但在一定状态下,也可以创造新的路径。路径依赖和路径创造过程受到外部环境和自身条件等多方面的影响。在当前中国,政府及其制定的政策在战略性新兴产业形成的初始阶段将会起到关键性的作用。以下针对物联网产业展开研究,由此来验证和理解新兴产业的空间演化机制。

3 中国物联网的产业组织与空间集聚

中共十八大提出,要“坚持走中国特色新型工业化、信息化、城镇化、农业现代化道路”(简称“四化”)。而“四化”不是各自发展的四化,只有实现“四化”的融合,才能带动整个社会经济的发展。对于信息化和工业化而言,智能化是实现“两化融合”的必然途径,但实现两者融合的技术核心无疑是物联网。由此,国家大力提出发展物联网的总体部署,尤其是在2009年8月7日,温家宝视察无锡时提出“感知中国”,更是引起了物联网发展在国内的重视,而物联网也正成为继计算机、互联网和移动通信之后引发新一轮信息产业浪潮的核心领域。

事实上,早在1990年代,中国虽然没有明确提出要发展物联网,但是很早开始了相关研究和应用试点。1993年,国家就启动了金卡工程。1999年,中科院启动了传感网研究。基于射频识别(RFID)技术的非接触式智能卡已广泛应用于移动信息终端、路桥管理以及电子证照身份识别等方面。2006年,国家发布了《国家中长期科学和技术发展规划纲要(2006-2020年)》,其中明确了将“传感器网络及智能信息处理”列入信息产业及现代服务业领域的优先发展之列,传感器产业才迅速发展起来。据相关统计,中国物联网2010年产业规模达2018.4亿元,2011年达2627.4亿元,到2012年已增长到3651.1亿元[20]

物联网,即物物相连的互联网。近年来,中国物联网产业链条也正逐步形成并日趋完备。物联网产业链一般分为五个层次,分别为支撑层、感知层、传输层、平台层和应用层[20]。其中,物联网支撑层是基础,承担的是技术支持角色;感知层是基础性物理网络,主要是获取现实世界的信息;传输层是将传感器获取的信息通过通信等手段进行传输;平台层主要是用来成果转化的,该层在物联网产业规模较大,所占比重接近40%;应用层是最终目的,涉及到社会的方方面面,比如智能工业、智能交通等,这些也是物联网出现的社会需求。2011年,中国在超过2600亿元的物联网产业规模中,支撑层、感知层、传输层、平台层以及应用层分别占2.7%、22%、33.1%、37.5%和4.7%,而感知层和传输层参与厂商最多,成为产业中竞争最为激烈的领域[36]

图1展示了物联网各个层次重点企业的分布格局。从区域层面来看,物联网企业主要集中于长三角、珠三角、环渤海三个地区及中西部个别省市。各个集聚地区的物联网产业链的发展侧重点有所不同。长三角地区在产业链五个层次都比较完备,尤其在支撑层、感知层、平台层和应用层上都比较突出;环渤海地区则在感知层、平台层和应用层方面较为突出;珠三角地区则突出表现在感知层、传输层和应用层;中西部城市也主要集中在感知层方面。综合对比三个重点集聚地区的产业发展状况,三个地区在感知层和应用层环节发展都较好。而从产业链的角度来看,感知层是物联网产业的基础,应用层则是产业链的最高环节,也是物联网发展的目的。从城市层面来看,布局最完整的当属北京、上海和深圳三个城市,布局相对完整的主要是无锡、杭州、南京、广州等地。因此,从重点城市所处的区域来看,长三角地区是目前国内物联网产业发展最为成熟和完备的区域。所以,以长三角地区的重点城市为例,研究物联网产业的发展路径。

图1   物联网重点企业的城市分布 资料来源:根据参考文献[20]整理绘制。

Fig. 1   Spatial distribution of the key IoT firms in the cities

4 长三角城市物联网产业兴起的路径比较

4.1 研究设计与方法

案例研究是建立和改进理论的重要研究方法之一,能够帮助人们全面了解复杂的社会现象和动态过程[37]。相比较于单案例研究设计,从多个案例中推导出来的结论往往更具说服力,更有助于理论的建构,符合本文对于产业演化机制差异性的研究要求。

在案例的选择过程中,一般需选择典型的甚至极端的案例以便于比较[38]。根据全国物联网产业分布格局的分析结果,选取无锡、上海、南京和杭州4个城市作为比较研究的案例。其典型性体现在:4个城市均具有较为完整的产业链,说明物联网产业已在当地基本成形,符合研究产业兴起过程的要求;同时,这些城市均位于同一经济地理区域(长三角地区)内,具有较为相似的地理环境,便于突出其他机制因素的差异性。此外,多案例应遵循复制法则,而非抽样法则,即通过多个案例的比较,产生相同的结果(逐项复制)或不同的结果(差别复制)[37]。因此,既选取了产业兴起路径差异明显的城市,也选择了发展过程基本类似的案例,通过相关信息的收集和整理,进行跨案例的对比归类,以提高案例分析结果的可信度。

采用的案例资料尽可能来源于多个信息渠道,以求相互佐证。案例资料的主要来源包括:实地考察调研、政府文件与政策文本、产业研究报告,以及媒体资料等。基于最初设定的研究问题,采用深度内容分析法,即在对案例信息进行分析之前,不设定具体的理论偏好或假设[38]。而是通过对每个案例的资料进行梳理,完成汇总性的概念和模式的建构。然后,在跨案例的对比过程中,总结和辨别不同案例的异同点。最后,结合已有文献中提及的理论概念和模型进行修正,最终形成结论。

4.2 单案例描述与分析

4.2.1 无锡案例 探究无锡物联网产业兴起,必须了解无锡在改革开放后的发展历程。1978年底到1991年,无锡用13年的时间走出了一条“苏南模式”,主要表现为乡镇企业的“异军突起”,农村经济飞速发展小城镇快速兴起。但是,传统的苏南模式造成路径依赖和自我强化,与环境变化不相适应,最终反过来制约了无锡的发展[39]。1992-2005年,无锡对传统“苏南模式”进行反思与扬弃,通过利用外资和企业改革积极融入国际产业分工体系[40]。而2005年以后,无锡进入了创新经济发展阶段。之所以2005年决定走改革创新的之路,是因为传统经济发展对环境造成的破坏,以至于2007年无锡爆发“蓝藻危机”,这使无锡更坚定了要调整已有产业发展思路的决心。经过一番调整,无锡市决定致力于新兴产业的发展,尤其是在2006年就颁布了《无锡市“十一五”功能性产业培育五年行动计划》,重点发展微电子、光伏、IC、创意设计等产业。然而,无锡并不满足于此,政府部门希望能够寻找一个更能支撑下一轮经济发展的战略性新兴产业。无锡对物联网的了解源于无锡太湖科技园工作人员在中科院网站上看到的一则会议通知,该会议通知里提到了传感网,继而电话询问关于传感网的这个项目,由此引发了无锡与物联网之间的联系[41]。随后,相关政府部门抓住机会,迅速围绕传感网项目的负责人建立起无锡物联网产业研究院,自此无锡物联网也正式拉开了帷幕。

纵观无锡物联网产业的兴起,除了其具备一定的产业基础优势外,没有其他特别的优势。但是无锡还是抢先其他地方发展了物联网产业,其背后有多种机制的共同作用,尤其是政府和中介组织。无锡物联网兴起源于一则会议通知,虽然看似偶然的一个事件,但也存在着一定的必然性,那就是政府“有所为”。在此之前,当地政府就已经在积极寻求引领新一轮经济发展的战略性新兴产业。特别是2006年以来,无锡市政府积极推行产业升级和人才战略,推动创新型经济跨越。到2009年,全市高新技术产业增加值约1048.78亿元,是2005年的1.7倍,高新技术工业增加值占全市规模以上工业比重达到43.9%左右,比2005年提高了10.4%[40]。但是,无锡仍未满足于此。在具备了高新技术发展的条件下,无锡市逐步打造了无锡工业设计园和太湖国际科技园等一批高质量的“三创”载体,这也为物联网的布局创造了有利的条件[42]。总的来看,无锡市政府在物联网兴起的过程中起着关键性的作用,若不是政府有所作为,物联网发展的先机或许就不在无锡。当然,也不能忽视另外一个机制,即中介组织的作用。在无锡物联网产业发展中起关键作用的中介组织,即无锡物联网产业研究院,是在中科院、江苏省的合作框架下,由中科院上海微系统与信息技术研究所、无锡高新区合作成立的独立法人事业单位,位于无锡高新区太科园境内,于2009年1月7日登记成立,主要从事物联网的研发、设计以及中试、生产。正是依赖于该研究院所建立起来的物联网产业链,为在无锡建成“感知中国”中心奠定了核心技术与产业化的良好基础。

从路径依赖理论来分析,在无锡物联网产业的发展过程中,偶然性事件起到了关键性的作用(图2)。当原有发展路径被锁定时,一个城市需要打破这种锁定,寻求新的发展契机,存在众多的可能性。最终的路径认知和选择,往往由偶然性的事件所激发,并随之被强化,从而重新建立起新的产业发展路径。

图2   无锡物联网产业的兴起路径

Fig. 2   Path to developing the IoT industry in Wuxi

4.2.2 上海案例 尽管物联网发展的先机被无锡抢占,但其物联网技术和产业的主要基础却源于上海,即中科院微系统与信息技术研究所。作为中国主要的传感网研究机构,该所位于上海嘉定区,使嘉定成为“上海物联网”中心和传感器基地。拥有技术创新基础使得上海能够继无锡之后迅速布局和建设物联网。事实上,上海是国内物联网技术和应用的主要发源地之一,在技术研发和产业化应用方面具有良好的基础。从“十五”起,上海市科委就着手开始布局,市政府在物联网相关技术(主要是RFID技术)研发方面已累计投入6000多万。“十一五”期间,上海承担了10多项与物联网相关的国家科技重大专项。到2005年,上海电子标签与物联网产学研联盟成立,整合了上海在RFID领域的技术资源,并加强了与国内外优势机构的合作。这些组织和基地等的成立推动着上海物联网技术的不断创新,为该地物联网产业的发展和布局提供了有利的技术支持。

上海除了在关键技术方面有积累外,对物联网来说极为关键的是上中游的产业配套,上海已形成了以集成电路、计算机、通信设备、信息家电等为主的信息产品制造业产业群。其中,上海中芯国际和上海贝岭等主导企业在RFID、芯片代工和设计上有自己的产业链。就产业基础环境来看,早在2006年上海就在浦东新区的张江高科技园区建立了国家射频识别产业化(上海)基地。射频识别技术在上海也得到广泛应用,尤其是上海世博会的举办,使得这一技术得到全面推广。不仅如此,上海也具备应用层的产业基础,在浦东康桥建立了物联网的应用服务基地。这些为上海物联网产业基地的建设提供了良好的基础。

从物联网的研究和布局看,上海是国内最先开始的地区,但最终却没有成为“感知中国”中心的建设地。不过,上海具备的技术基础和创新环境,使其能够迅速响应新兴产业的发展动态,完成物联网产业的布局和建设,仍然处于产业发展的优势地位。上海物联网产业的发展是建立在已有相关产业基础之上,其发展道路属于比较典型的“路径依赖”模式(图3)。

图3   上海物联网产业的兴起路径

Fig. 3   Path to developing the IoT industry in Shanghai

4.2.3 南京案例 作为长三角地区中的省会城市,南京在物联网产业兴起的开端,也没有抓住发展的先机。在物联网还没成形之前,南京物联网发展的相关要素较为分散,技术和人才并没有得到整合,相关产业基础规模不大,同时政府也未对物联网产业的发展提供政策支持。与其他城市类似,在2009年之后,南京才逐渐将物联网产业作为重点发展的产业。而后江苏制订了《2009-2012年物联网产业发展规划纲要》,其中规划布局了江苏物联网产业发展的区域格局是一个产业核心区(无锡)和两个产业支撑区(南京和苏州)。

在定位为江苏物联网产业的支撑区之后,南京顺势采取了一系列的政策措施来推进物联网的发展。首先,南京政府积极制定物联网的发展规划,希望通过制定专项措施等推动产业的发展。其次,成立物联网产业联盟,组织技术先进的研发机构、高校和专家团队以及重要企业,着力研发物联网的关键技术和创建示范工程。同时,也成立物联网产业发展研究所,选取南京一批物联网核心企业以入股形式参与,通过整合物联网企业技术和项目,组织实施承接南京及国内重点物联网发展项目。在一系列的政策措施实施后,南京物联网产业的发展迅速崛起,已逐步形成两个产业集聚区(模范马路和麒麟园)。

通过对南京物联网产业的兴起过程进行梳理,可以发现:在初始阶段,南京具备一定的产业基础,但产业并未成形;而在国家提出将物联网作为战略性新兴产业之后,其凭借相关基础,能够很快地组织技术和人才,快速地促进物联网产业的发展。从路径依赖的角度来看,国家产业政策出台作为一个临界点,激发了南京的产业兴起成形,走的是“路径追随”的道路(图4)。

图4   南京物联网产业的兴起路径

Fig. 4   Path to developing the IoT industry in Nanjing

4.2.4 杭州案例 在物联网未提出之前,杭州比南京的物联网产业基础稍好,除具备较好的产业基础外,还拥有众多的科研院所、机构和企业。在2009年,作为物联网基础的感知层产业,杭州已集聚了近80家相关企业,物联网整体也形成了具有210亿元的产值规模,产业链体系已有所完善;而且杭州物联网企业已拥有160多项专利,其中发明专利占到56项。同时,杭州是国家电子信息产业基地、电子商务之都,也是国家软件产业基地和国家集成电路设计产业化基地,这些基地的建设很大程度上为物联网的出现和发展提供了良好的基础资源。与南京类似,在无锡提出发展“感知中国”后,杭州也加快了物联网产业的建设和布局。2010年11月起,相继出台了关于物联网产业的发展规划和三年行动计划等政策文件,并积极布局和建设物联网产业园区,形成“一网三区”的产业空间格局。由此,杭州物联网产业的发展逐渐铺展开来。从整个过程来看,杭州的发展模式与南京类似,也是在政府与政策引导下的路径追随(图4)。

4.3 跨案例比较与总结

通过对长三角重点城市的比较,可以发现物联网产业的发展路径模式存在地方差异性(表1)。不管是哪种路径模式,政府、科研机构、产业联盟等组织均起着举足轻重的作用,但这些组织及城市已有资源要素在产业兴起过程中发挥的具体作用却不同。以无锡来讲,物联网产业整个的兴起过程依赖于偶然性事件的激发,但政府起着决定性的作用;对上海来说,具备较好的技术和产业基础,是物联网发展的关键;至于南京和杭州,是具备一定产业基础并在政府政策推动下发展起来的。尽管技术、产业、政策等要素综合在一起发挥作用,但在激发条件上存在不同的机制,从而导致发展路径上的差异。

表1   长三角重点城市物联网产业兴起路径的比较

Tab. 1   Comparison on the paths to developing the IoT industry among the selected cities of YRD region

城市产业形成前阶段中间机制激发产业形成阶段
产业基础政策力度兴起路径
无锡具备一定的相关产业基础扶持力度大偶然性事件路径创造
上海产业基础最为雄厚政策力度一般技术创新路径依赖
南京、杭州产业基础一般政策力度一般临界点效应路径追随

新窗口打开

4.3.1 知识溢出与技术创新的地方化 新兴产业的发展依赖于技术创新的空间过程,而知识溢出存在明显的地方化特征,如专利引用的地方化效应在大都市区层面最为显著[43]。因此,在产业兴起阶段,技术源所在的区位非常重要,会影响技术扩散的路径和产业布局格局[44]。案例分析显示,物联网产业源于传感网,而在传感网的技术创新研究方面,上海在国内一直领先。早在2001年,中科院就依托上海微系统所成立微系统研究与发展中心,进行无线传感网的研究工作。2004年启动RFID的关键技术研究,并取得了较大的技术进步,这些使得上海具备了物联网产业发展的技术基础。在《上海推进物联网产业发展行动方案(2010-2012年)》中,上海将浦东和嘉定两区作为物联网基地,也是基于两地明显的技术基础和优势。就嘉定而言,它是中科院上海微系统所的所在地;对浦东来说,在张江高科技园区同样具备技术研发基础。

在无锡案例中,尽管其主要的技术来源也是中科院上海微系统所,但通过组建无锡物联网产业研究院,拉近了知识溢出的空间距离,从而使相关技术创新便于在无锡当地产业化。而且,无锡继而又与清华大学、复旦大学、上海交通大学等高校签订合作框架,通过分别设立无锡研究院,为当地企业提供技术平台和人才培养[41]。不少文献已表明,一个地区之所以会出现产业集聚的现象,是由于在本地出现了关键性的企业,而本地通过模仿等途径建立其他企业,随之出现了产业集群的雏形[45]。无锡最先开始成立了中国物联网研发中心,通过此来集聚各类相关科研机构、研发中心,集聚各类传感网企业和人才,从而打造出“感知中国”中心。

4.3.2 历史偶然性与历史基础 历史偶然性往往造就“先动优势”,但是对于一些新兴技术产业而言,偶然中或许存在必然。正如Sydow等指出的,不少新技术和新产品的产生是有目的的行为结果,只是其触发条件是一些偶然性的事件[28]。尤其在中国,地方发展新路径的创造与地方政府的作为紧密相关[46,47]。无锡物联网在未发展之前,一直寻找能够带动下一轮社会经济发展的新兴产业,而最终选择了物联网,却源于政府工作人员在网络上看到的一则消息通知,这一偶然因素促使无锡抢占了物联网的发展先机。无可否认,无锡也具备信息制造业的基础,是中国乡镇企业的发起地之一,也是中国半导体和微电子的产业的重要起源地。目前在微电子领域,无锡在集成电路制造、设计、测试和产业链方面,在国内一直名列前茅。可见,新兴产业兴起的相关产业基础也是重要的发展条件。一个新产业的重组增长依赖于当地相关已有产业的集聚,相关产业为新的企业提供各种人才、知识及资金[23]。对于新产业来说,拥有更多早期市场进入者的城市或区域,将面临更多的增长机遇,在后续发展中可能拥有重要的先动优势[9]

4.3.3 政府政策的推动 尽管国外较多文献并未表明规划或政策在新兴产业兴起过程中的重要性,但在中国,政府政策在产业发展初期的重要性是显而易见的[48]。长三角地区在发展物联网产业方面确实具备一定的产业基础和技术创新的优势,但仅靠这些,还不足以能够造就产业的快速集聚和发展。而且物联网产业涉及面广,单靠企业自身很难完成,必须要有政府的大力扶持与推动。就中央层面讲,国家早在2006年就将传感器网络及智能信息处理列入信息产业及现代服务业领域的优先发展主题,在2008年发布的《信息产业科技发展“十一五”计划和2020年中长期规划(纲要)》中对物联网发展做了整体布局,更提出要打造完整产业链,形成产业群体,这些都极大地推动了一个新兴产业在全国各地的布局和发展。尤其是温家宝在无锡调研并将“感知中国”设在无锡之后,更是推动了物联网产业的快速发展。之后江苏省、上海市和浙江省都积极响应物联网产业的发展号召,推出了各自的物联网产业发展规划,并积极建设物联网产业基地。这种自上而下的政策扶持对于战略性新兴产业的迅速布局是不可缺少的。

5 结论与讨论

基于路径依赖理论,探讨了长三角地区物联网产业的兴起和演化过程,得到两方面的主要结论。一方面,新兴产业兴起存在明显的空间集聚效应。从全国层面来看,物联网产业目前主要集中于长三角、珠三角、京津冀(环渤海)三大地区和中西部个别城市。就三个主要集聚地区而言,长三角是物联网产业的兴起之地,同时也是发展最为成熟的地区。通过几个重点集聚区产业链分工来看,长三角在物联网关键技术和应用方面占据领先地位。另一方面,新兴产业的兴起和发展在不同区域存在路径差异。之所以各个地区有着不同的路径模式,源于地区各种资源要素综合作用的差异。就无锡而言,偶然因素和政府作用起着决定性的作用;上海则具备较好的产业基础和创新制度环境;南京和杭州是具备一定产业基础和政策刺激的共同作用。

在研究方法上,从城市个体的角度进行了演化案例分析,采用重点城市的经验数据和资料展开了多案例的比较研究,总结出了城市发展新兴产业路径的相似性和差异性。同时在研究内容上,关注的是产业兴起的初始阶段。不少研究已表明,地方产业发展的不同阶段,对资金、技术、知识等要素的需求不同[19,49]。新技术产业的兴起更依赖于城市化经济和企业衍生机制的作用[24],技术基础、产业相关性造成新兴企业的集聚,而其中偶然性的因素也至关重要[50]。案例研究在产业的历史条件和集聚状况的基础上,更强调了政府的作用,认为技术创新、偶然性事件和政策推动三者的结合是当前中国新兴技术产业在特定区位兴起成形的主要动因。

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.


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在苏南地区的经济发展过程当中,乡镇企业的异军突起和“苏南模式”的建立与完善无疑是推动这一地区经济增长的主导力量和该地区区别于其他地区的显著经济特征。在影响苏南地区经济发展的众多因素当中,乡镇企业始终扮演着举足轻重的角色。苏南地区经济的发展既是一种农村城市

[Qiu Chengli, Feng Jie.

The development of "Sunan Model" and its path dependency.

China Industrial Economy, 2000, (7): 51-55.]

https://doi.org/10.3969/j.issn.1006-480X.2000.07.009      URL      [本文引用: 1]      摘要

在苏南地区的经济发展过程当中,乡镇企业的异军突起和“苏南模式”的建立与完善无疑是推动这一地区经济增长的主导力量和该地区区别于其他地区的显著经济特征。在影响苏南地区经济发展的众多因素当中,乡镇企业始终扮演着举足轻重的角色。苏南地区经济的发展既是一种农村城市
[40] 吴敬琏, 黄少卿. 无锡经验:中国经济发展转型的个案研究. 上海: 远东出版社, 2010.

URL      [本文引用: 2]     

[Wu Jinglian, Huang Shaoqing.Wuxi Experience: A Case Study on the Transformation of Economic Development in China. Shanghai: Fareast Press, 2010.]

URL      [本文引用: 2]     

[41] 邱积敏.

无锡如何转型“物联网之都”

. 决策, 2010, (6): 20-22.

https://doi.org/10.3969/j.issn.1005-5940.2010.06.003      URL      [本文引用: 2]      摘要

从2009年11月成为中国传感网创新示范区开始,物联网一夜之间成为无锡的代名词。同时,无锡抢抓物联网产业的做法与经验,成为二三线城市开辟新蓝海的一个典型案例。

[Qiu Jimin.

How does Wuxi transform into 'the Capital of IoT'

. Decision-Making, 2010, (6): 20-22.]

https://doi.org/10.3969/j.issn.1005-5940.2010.06.003      URL      [本文引用: 2]      摘要

从2009年11月成为中国传感网创新示范区开始,物联网一夜之间成为无锡的代名词。同时,无锡抢抓物联网产业的做法与经验,成为二三线城市开辟新蓝海的一个典型案例。
[42] 吴立群.

无锡“三创”载体建设力推“根本策略”

. 无锡日报, 2007-01-19.

[本文引用: 1]     

[Wu Liqun.

The 'Sanchuang' supporter as a key strategy in Wuxi

. Wuxi Daily, 2007-01-19.]

[本文引用: 1]     

[43] Jaffe A, Trajtenberg M, Henderson R M.

Geographic localization of knowledge spillovers as evidenced by patent citations.

Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1993, 108(3): 577-598.

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[44] 汪明峰, 宁越敏.

互联网与中国信息网络城市的崛起

. 地理学报, 2004, 59(3): 446-454.

https://doi.org/10.3321/j.issn:0375-5444.2004.03.015      URL      [本文引用: 1]      摘要

Advanced information and telecommunication technology has brought human being into a new information age, resulting in the emerging of an informational, global, and networked society. In the 1990s, the rapid growth of the Internet not only had strong impacts on the social and economic fields, but also restructured the organizations of global physical and virtual spaces. In recent years, the scholarly research on Internet has rapidly increased in many fields such as urban geography in the western developed countries. However, little research on the cities of developing countries exists in the Internet studies literature, and almost none addresses the topic of China, despite of their obvious implications for urban development in China. This paper seeks to fill this gap and understand the impact of Internet on the urban system in China. Based on the measurement of Internet backbone networks, it analyses the spatial structure of the Internet city network and ranks these cities in China. Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou and their linkages constitute the core level of long-distance telecommunication network. The investments in infrastructure are rewriting the map of competitive advantage of cities. An urban network of the information network cities is emerging in which the geographical factor plays an important role.

[Wang Mingfeng, Ning Yuemin.

The internet and the rise of information network cities in China.

Acta Geographica Sinica, 2004, 59(3): 446-454.]

https://doi.org/10.3321/j.issn:0375-5444.2004.03.015      URL      [本文引用: 1]      摘要

Advanced information and telecommunication technology has brought human being into a new information age, resulting in the emerging of an informational, global, and networked society. In the 1990s, the rapid growth of the Internet not only had strong impacts on the social and economic fields, but also restructured the organizations of global physical and virtual spaces. In recent years, the scholarly research on Internet has rapidly increased in many fields such as urban geography in the western developed countries. However, little research on the cities of developing countries exists in the Internet studies literature, and almost none addresses the topic of China, despite of their obvious implications for urban development in China. This paper seeks to fill this gap and understand the impact of Internet on the urban system in China. Based on the measurement of Internet backbone networks, it analyses the spatial structure of the Internet city network and ranks these cities in China. Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou and their linkages constitute the core level of long-distance telecommunication network. The investments in infrastructure are rewriting the map of competitive advantage of cities. An urban network of the information network cities is emerging in which the geographical factor plays an important role.
[45] 马海涛.

生产网络演化视角下的城市产业升级路径研究: 以汕头市纺织服装行业为例

. 人文地理, 2011, 26(4): 99-102.

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[Ma Haitao.

Upgrade paths of urban industry from the perspective of evolutionary production networks: A case study of textile and apparel industry in Shantou city.

Human Geography, 2011, 26(4): 99-102.]

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[46] 苗长虹, 魏也华.

分工深化、知识创造与产业集群成长: 河南鄢陵县花木产业的案例研究

. 地理研究, 2009, 28(4): 853-864.

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[Miao Changhong, Wei Yehua.

Deepening division of labor, knowledge creation and the growth of industrial clusters: A case study of the flowers and plants industry in Yanling county, Henan province, China.

Geographical Research, 2009, 28(4): 853-864.]

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[47] 刘云刚, 叶清露.

区域发展中的路径创造和尺度政治: 对广东惠州发展历程的解读

. 地理科学, 2013, 33(9): 1029-1036.

URL      [本文引用: 1]      摘要

In recent years,more scholars have taken the initiative to review the path dependence from the perspective of institutionalization.Attention has been paid on the possibility of path creation,which is characterized by real-time influence and mindful deviation.However,most of the behavioral researches remain in the level of theoretical discussion and model specification.This article takes Huizhou City,China as an example to empirically analyze the path dependence and path creation in the regional development since the reform and openning-yp which began in 1979.It reveals that there is path creation in Chinese regional development,and politics of scale is an important strategy to realize it.The path creation of Huizhou,which is in the Zhujiang River Delta,is actually a trial of local globalization鈥攖he scalar jumping from locality(rimland of the Zhujiang River Delta) to global(core area of the Zhujiang River Delta).In the process of regional politics of scale,the local government,which positively organizes locality to participate in politics of scale,is the active subject dominating the politics of scale,while the central government is the powerful third party in the politics of scale,holding the absolute controlling power of scalar system.With the construction of regional scalar fix,the core area of the Zhujiang River Delta forms stable regional division of labor system by the structural power of self-reinforcing.As a peripheral locality,Huizhou made use of"big project investment promotion"and "state-owned enterprise reform and investment promotion"for several times to mobilize large multinational enterprises,the news media and other outside groups to establish external alliance,so as to scale up and finally enter the core area.The case analysis of Huizhou in this article explains the dynamic operation system of"path creation",and theorizes the phenomenon of rimland breaking the unbalanced development to the realization of path creation with politics of scale by the locality.At the same time,it provides theoretical reference and advices for the rimland to break the unbalanced development status,indicating that local globalization is the key for the rimland to scale up,and the rimland should position the locality in a global perspective and actively fight for the support from a third party to build the locality-global connection.

[Liu yungang, Ye Qinglu.

Path creation with politics of scale in the regional development: A case study of Huizhou city.

Scientia Geographica Sinica, 2013, 33(9): 1029-1036.]

URL      [本文引用: 1]      摘要

In recent years,more scholars have taken the initiative to review the path dependence from the perspective of institutionalization.Attention has been paid on the possibility of path creation,which is characterized by real-time influence and mindful deviation.However,most of the behavioral researches remain in the level of theoretical discussion and model specification.This article takes Huizhou City,China as an example to empirically analyze the path dependence and path creation in the regional development since the reform and openning-yp which began in 1979.It reveals that there is path creation in Chinese regional development,and politics of scale is an important strategy to realize it.The path creation of Huizhou,which is in the Zhujiang River Delta,is actually a trial of local globalization鈥攖he scalar jumping from locality(rimland of the Zhujiang River Delta) to global(core area of the Zhujiang River Delta).In the process of regional politics of scale,the local government,which positively organizes locality to participate in politics of scale,is the active subject dominating the politics of scale,while the central government is the powerful third party in the politics of scale,holding the absolute controlling power of scalar system.With the construction of regional scalar fix,the core area of the Zhujiang River Delta forms stable regional division of labor system by the structural power of self-reinforcing.As a peripheral locality,Huizhou made use of"big project investment promotion"and "state-owned enterprise reform and investment promotion"for several times to mobilize large multinational enterprises,the news media and other outside groups to establish external alliance,so as to scale up and finally enter the core area.The case analysis of Huizhou in this article explains the dynamic operation system of"path creation",and theorizes the phenomenon of rimland breaking the unbalanced development to the realization of path creation with politics of scale by the locality.At the same time,it provides theoretical reference and advices for the rimland to break the unbalanced development status,indicating that local globalization is the key for the rimland to scale up,and the rimland should position the locality in a global perspective and actively fight for the support from a third party to build the locality-global connection.
[48] 张永凯, 徐伟.

演化经济地理学视角下的产业空间演化及其影响因素分析: 以中国汽车工业为例

. 世界地理研究, 2014, 23(2): 1-13.

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[Zhang Yongkai, Xu Wei.

Analysis of the industry spatial evolution mechanism and its determinants from the perspective of evolutionary economic geography.

World Regional Studies, 2014, 23(2): 1-13.]

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[49] 李二玲, 庞安超, 朱纪广.

中国农业地理集聚格局演化及其机制

. 地理研究, 2012, 31(5): 885-898.

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[Li Erling,

Pang An'chao, Zhu Jiguang. Analysis of the evolution path and mechanism of China's agricultural agglomeration and geographic pattern.

Geographical Research, 2012, 31(5): 885-898.]

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[50] 李小建, 葛震远, 乔家君.

偶然因素对区域经济发展的影响: 以河南虞城县稍岗乡为例

. 人文地理, 2000, 15(6): 1-4.

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

[Li Xiaojian, Ge Zhenyuan, Qiao Jiajun.

The effect of accidental factor on reginal economic development: A case study of Shaogang, Yucheng, Henan.

Human Geography, 2000, 15(6): 1-4.]

URL      [本文引用: 1]     

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