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非户籍与户籍人口居住空间分异的多维度解析——以深圳为例
张瑜,, 仝德,, IanMacLACHLAN
北京大学城市规划与设计学院,深圳 518055

作者简介:张瑜(1994- ),女,山东省淄博市人,硕士,研究方向为城市与区域规划。E-mail: 1601213872@sz.pku.edu.cn

通讯作者:仝德(1980- ),女,陕西省西安市人,副教授,研究方向为土地经济与房地产。E-mail: tongde@pkusz.edu.cn
摘要

在居住空间相异指数基础上,构建了集聚—分散度、中心—边缘度和极化—均质度指数,进一步挖掘由于人口聚居形态、居住区位和居住质量等方面差异导致的居住空间分异的多维内涵,及其所揭示出的社会经济空间现象、成因及空间治理重点。利用全国第六次人口普查数据开展深圳实证研究,在计算全市及各区分维指数的基础上,分析深圳人口居住空间相异指数特征及空间尺度差异,多维居住空间分异格局特征及成因,并通过聚类分析将深圳非户籍与户籍人口居住空间分异类型划分为三类,分类提出空间治理政策建议。从而为深入理解中国大城市日益出现的居住分异现象及机制提供新鲜视角和多样化测度方法,为解决其带来的社会及空间治理问题提供更有针对性的政策建议。

关键词: 居住空间分异; 集聚—分散度指数;; 中心—边缘度指数;; 极化—均质度指数;; 深圳市;
Multi-dimensional analysis of housing segregation:A case study of Shenzhen, China
ZHANG Yu,, TONG De,, Ian MacLACHLAN
School of Urban Planning and Design, Peking University, Shenzhen 518055, Guangdong, China
Abstract

Residential segregation has been a severe and widespread phenomenon in mega cities along with fast urbanization in China. Migrants from rural area flock into developed cities especially coastal regions for better job opportunities, which provide essential cheap labor for urban growth. However, their housing problems could not be resolved in formal housing either hindered by institutional barrier or unreachable housing price. The housing segregation gradually formed as locals reside in formal gated communities while migrants crowd in informal housing like urban villages, which is characterized with lower rent but substandard living conditions. The housing segregation in China derives from household registration system (hukou). The Index of Dissimilarity (ID) only emphasizes the unevenness of population distribution but could not fully manifest the segregation characteristics in density, location, proximity, etc. Inspired by the work of Massey Denton in multi-dimensional segregation, this article applies three measures of housing segregation (Clustering, Centralization, and Concentration) based on the ID to analyze the segregation between urban residents with and without hukou. It examines the multi-dimensional housing segregation based on hukou status using data from China’s 6th national census in 2010. The typical migrant city Shenzhen was chosen to conduct the case study, and the segregation index of three dimensions was calculated based on 55 sub-districts for comparison. The multi-dimensional segregation indexes showed that Shenzhen has high segregation problems at the city scale, but more homogeneous inside each district. The history, industrial structure and socioeconomic background of each district play a crucial role in the segregation. The outside-custom area provides more chances in labor-dense sectors and attracts more migrants to reside in a large scale, while the inside-custom regions are more advanced in informatics and financial sectors, which results in scattered spots of migrants housing. Cluster analysis reveals the three types of segregation, each of which has its unique processual mechanisms, and policy prescriptions. The study shows that the housing segregation has multiple dimensions and scales. Thus two sets of people could be featured by a single ID yet to be clustered or dispersed, central or peripheral, or concentrated or deconcentrated. Migrants may occupy continuous neighboring blocks in peripheral area, or densely reside in few scattered urban villages in inner city, or congregate in factory dorms alongside each industrial zone. Based on segregation patterns, locations and density, local governments should take different measures like redevelopment of targeted urban villages, large-scale public housing construction or cooperation with factories in worker dormitory improvement accordingly. This article contributes an innovative and comprehensive perspective to conceptualize housing segregation, and provides policy recommendations to deal with the social problems that arise from segregation in China. With the advancement of big data, more practical real-time housing management measures could be developed for practitioners to provide human-centric housing planning and avoid the housing polarization.

Keyword: housing segregation; Clustering Index; Centralization Index; Concentration Index; Shenzhen;
1 引言

中国快速城市化背景下,大量农村剩余劳动力涌入城市,特别是东部沿海经济较为发达的大城市,他们为发达城市输送了大量廉价劳动力,提供了推动城市迅速发展的重要生产要素,但同时也在一定程度上引发了一系列“城市病”,如城市居住空间日益分化、空间异质性增强,“分异”和“碎化”成为普遍趋势[1]

以深圳为例,截至2015年末,深圳市非户籍人口达到782.88万人,占常住人口的68.8%(图1)。虽然非户籍人群内部具有异质性,既包含外来务工者,也包括收入和知识水平较高的人,但群体统计数据显示,非户籍人口具有明显的“三低”特征,即低教育水平、低收入、低稳定性[2]。他们中大部分人的居住需求难以通过正规住房市场解决,棚户区、城中村等非正规住房则以价格、区位等优势成为外来人口聚居区[3]。逐渐地,非户籍与户籍人口形成了日益明显的居住空间分异格局[4]

图1 1979-2015年深圳市按户籍状况人口构成 Fig. 1 Demographic composition of Shenzhen based on residency status (1979-2015)

针对中国大城市居住空间分异问题的研究已取得不少有价值成果。与国外以种族问题为核心的研究[5,6,7,8,9]不同,国内相关研究重点关注户籍因素作用下的居住空间分异特征、格局、空间效应及形成机制[10,11]。诸多学者运用多元回归等方法,从政策、历史、经济要素等方面入手[12,13,14],证明了中国的居住空间分异与中国住房制度历史及改革进程、城乡二元户籍及土地制度、市场化及全球化背景下经济形态演化分异等因素有关[15,16,17,18,19]。而在不同城市,由于经济发展水平与产业布局模式不同,居住空间分异格局存在显著差异[20];同时,在同一城市内部,社区、街道和区等不同尺度上空间分异状况也存在差异[21,22]

在居住空间分异程度方面,国内外学者从不同角度给出度量公式,如相异指数(Index of Dissimilarity)、隔离指数(Isolation Index)、交互指数(Interaction Index)等[23],这些指数普遍借鉴基尼系数的算法,重在揭示特定人群空间分布不均衡的态势。一般来说,相异指数<0.3表示人口分布比较均匀,0.3~0.6表示具有一定的居住分异态势,>0.6则表示存在比较严重的居住分异问题,政府需干预调节[24]。然而,现有各类居住分异指数的算法重在强调人口分布比例的不均匀程度,对在同样的人口分布比例下,由于人口聚居形态、居住区位和居住质量等方面差异导致的更进一步的分异状况及其空间效应,并未得到足够重视,在一定程度上降低了相异指数对空间管治政策制定的指导性,因此,有必要进一步丰富和改善居住分异指数的算法,以挖掘居住分异更深层次、更多元的内涵。本文以典型移民城市深圳为例,基于2010年全国第六次人口普查数据(简称六普数据),以居住空间相异指数为基础,进一步构建集聚—分散度、中心—边缘度和极化—均质度指数,深度解析户籍和非户籍人口居住分异的多维特征、成因及管治方向,为研究快速城市化背景下大城市普遍出现的居住空间分异提供新鲜视角,同时为解决其带来的社会及空间治理困境提供更有针对性的决策依据。

2 居住空间分异的多维度内涵及其测算方法
2.1 相异指数

目前,国内外学术界在衡量居住空间分异时,普遍采用相异指数(Index of Dissimilarity)[25],公式如下:

ID = 1 2 × i = 1 n x i X - y i Y (1)

式中:xi代表第i个空间单元的某群体人口;X代表全域该群体人口;yi代表第i个空间单元的另一类群体人口;Y代表全域另一类群体人口。相异指数的阈值范围为0~1,代表了分异程度由最均匀到最分异。图2表示了全域非户籍人口比例相同的情况下,图2a的相异指数小于图2b(网格代表街道单元;网格颜色代表了本街道的非户籍人口比例,越深表示非户籍人口比例越大)。

图2 多维度居住空间分异内涵示意图 Fig. 2 Diagramatic illustration of multi-dimensional housing segregation

这一指数被用于研究基于户籍的居住空间分异时,仅考虑了各居住单元非户籍人口比例与全域的对比。然而,在相同比例下,非户籍人口与户籍人口居住地规模、区位及居住密度等方面的差异将会导致更进一步的分异格局(如图2c~图2e)及空间影响,产生不同的社会空间治理问题和政策需求[26]。基于此,本文进一步建立集聚—分散度、中心—边缘度和极化—均质度指数,对居住空间分异进行多维度解析,更深入、细致剖析分异特征及形成机制。

2.2 集聚—分散度

集聚—分散度指数用来测量一个区域中非户籍人口集聚(图2b)或分散布局(图2c)的程度,其公式为:

SP = ( X P xx + Y P yy ) T P tt (2)

P mm = i = 1 n j = 1 n m i m j c ij M 2 (3)

式中:cij代表空间单元ij几何中心距离的负指数函数,即 c ij = e - d ij ;XYT分别代表全域非户籍、户籍和总人口数;PxxPyyPtt分别代表非户籍人口之间、户籍人口之间和全域总人口之间的空间邻近程度,计算公式分别使式(3)中的 m = x , y , t 。该指数以1为界,小于1的程度越大表明非户籍人口分布越分散,而大于1的程度越大表明非户籍人口分布越集聚[27]。集聚—分散度指数越高,意味着城市中成片的、甚至跨统计单元的贫民窟、流动人口聚居区等规模越大,此时,降低人口居住空间分异的政策手段除了针对外来人口的社会管理政策外,更应加强对重点集聚区域,如老旧城区和城乡结合部连片粗放开发区域的空间改造和管理。

2.3 中心—边缘度

中心—边缘度指数用于测量一个区域中非户籍人口相对分布在城市中心(图2b)或外围的程度(图2d)。其公式为:

ACE = i = 1 n X i - 1 A i - i = 1 n X i A i - 1 (5)

式中:Xi代表在全部的非户籍人口中居住在第i个空间单元的比例;Ai代表前i个空间单元的累计面积占全域面积的比例;i从1至n依次表示在城市中的区位由中心到边缘,该指数阈值范围是[-1, 1]。在相同的居住空间相异指数下,正的中心—边缘度指数一般发生在高度城市化或后工业化区域,值越大意味着非户籍人口居住更加趋向城市中心,此时的空间治理政策一方面应通过在郊区兴建保障性住房和增加低收入就业岗位,疏导外来人口向郊区布局;另一方面,应加强城市中心区域旧城改造及环境、交通等品质提升。而负的中心-边缘度指数一般发生在工业化或城市扩张初期的城乡结合部,空间治理重点则应是加强郊区基础设施和公共服务设施建设,提升城乡结合部城市化质量。

2.4 极化—均质度

极化—均质度指数用于测量一个区域中非户籍人口居住空间质量内部分化的程度(图2b、图2e),各子区域间人口密度差异大则意味着居住空间质量分化程度大,公式为:

DEL = 1 2 i = 1 n x i X - a i A (6)

式中: a i 代表第i个空间单元的面积;A代表整个区域的总面积,其他参数与前文定义相同。该指数范围为0~1,越接近1则表明非户籍人口间居住密度差异越大,该类人群内部可能已出现进一步分异趋势;而指数趋向于0则代表该区非户籍人口居住密度相对均质,居住空间质量差异不大。在极化—均质度指数高的地区,空间治理应进一步剖析导致非户籍人口内部二次分异的原因,分层制定适用于不同区域、不同层次外来人口的空间治理政策,尤其是识别出高度拥挤的非户籍人口集聚区,通过定向提供廉租房或社会福利保障、棚户区改造等措施尽快疏散人口、降低安全隐患。

3 深圳居住空间分异实证分析
3.1 研究区概况及数据来源

本文采用六普数据作为计算多维居住空间分异指数的数据源,当时,深圳市下辖宝安、福田、光明、龙岗、罗湖、坪山、南山、盐田共八个行政区(新区),包含55个街道(图3)。首先分别基于各区及街道人口数据,计算全市及分区相异指数,再进一步从集聚—分散、中心—边缘、极化—均质度三个维度计算并比较各区居住分异特征及成因的差异。

图3 研究区行政区划及街道分布示意 Fig. 3 Map of administrative districts and sub-districts in Shenzhen

由于分维度指数需用到街道几何中心、街道间距离、街道面积等空间数据,以深圳市行政区划矢量数据作为空间数据基础,利用ArcGIS平台开展相关计算。在计算中心—边缘度时,由于现实中的城市空间布局难以实现理想的单中心模式,城市空间区位优劣难以体现出严格的由中心向外围衰减趋势,故采用深圳市政府2013年发布的城市基准地价作为区位优劣的评价标准。

3.2 多维度居住空间分异结果

表1所示,本文分别以区和街道数据为基础,以全市和区为统计单元,分别计算了全市及各区的相异指数、集聚—分散度、中心—边缘度和极化—均质度指数,发现深圳的居住空间分异程度在不同维度表现出不同特征。

表1 深圳市分维度居住空间分异统计指标 Tab. 1 Statistics of multi-dimensional housing segregation indexes of Shenzhen

3.2.1 相异指数及其空间尺度差异 根据表1,深圳全市相异指数为0.684,按照国际经验,深圳已出现了较严重的非户籍人口与户籍人口空间分异现象。但从以区为单元的计算结果来看,相异指数基本在0.3以下,分异程度不大。市区两级计算结果的明显差异说明,深圳区与区之间非户籍人口相对规模差异较大,而各区内部差异较小。市级尺度的分异主要来自于深圳市原特区内外经济发展水平与产业结构的差异。宝安、龙岗等“关外”地区产业构成以劳动密集型制造业为主,制造业在岗职工人数较多(图4),其主要构成为非户籍人口;而“关内”各区金融、信息产业等服务业较发达,劳动力素质高,户籍人口所占比例大。

图4 2010年深圳市各区分行业在岗职工人数 Fig. 4 Number of in-service staff of each district by industry sector (2010)

3.2.2 多维度居住空间分异格局及成因 与相异指数不同,集聚—分散度、中心—边缘度、极化—均质度三维指数并未出现深圳市区间的尺度差异。各区集聚—分散度指数近似为1、中心—边缘度指数均为正的结果表明,各区虽未出现大规模连片的非户籍人口集聚区,但其分布占据较优区位;而极化—均质度指数在0~0.5间分散分布,表明各区内非户籍人口内部居住质量存在不同程度的差异(表1)。

城中村是深圳非户籍人口分布的主要区域,各区居住空间分异特征与城中村的空间分布具有高度关联。根据2007年深圳市城中村人口调查数据,全市320个城中村内居住着637万人口,占全市人口一半以上,其中非户籍人口达到595万,是户籍人口的14.2倍,城中村已经成为流动人口聚居区的代名词[4]。而城中村形成于城市建设用地向郊区扩张过程,在中国大多数传统城市中,城中村通常位于城市中心区外围或城乡结合部[28,29]。然而,改革开放以前,深圳是以传统农业、渔业为主的边陲小镇,建成区范围十分狭小,整个辖区呈现出农村居民点分散布局的态势。正是由于深圳缺乏旧城基底,其城市空间扩张途径并非如其他城市般由老城区向郊区蔓延,而是以罗湖、蛇口、沙头角等毗邻香港的口岸为中心,选择临近农村居民点周围连片、廉价的农田开展城市建设,并不断发展壮大。因此,深圳城市发展自始几乎就是城市包围农村的态势,由原农村居民点发展成的城中村自然很少位于城市边缘,而是分散布局于城市建成区内。而由于城中村周围几乎被高度建成区包围,难以出现其他城市城乡结合部外来人口聚居区大面积无序蔓延的情况,因此深圳并未出现成片、甚至跨街道的非户籍人口聚居区。

在极化—均质度指数方面,全市和大部分区指标偏低,说明基于户籍的人口居住分异主要体现在非户籍与户籍人口之间,非户籍人口内部基于人口密度差异的进一步分异并不明显。但是,龙岗、罗湖等区该指标已经达到0.4左右,表明该地区内部各街道间居住质量存在较大差异,非户籍人口内部的分层治理需求较大。龙岗地处深圳郊区,是2012年世界大学生运动会场馆所在地,“大运新城”等局部地区的高质量城市建设导致区内建成环境、居住质量差异较大;而罗湖区是深圳的老城区,局部地区的城市更新是导致区内非户籍人口内部居住质量差异明显的主要原因。由此可见,城市空间治理应避免局部建设带来的两极分化,特别需防止高质量居住空间营造过程迫使原本居住在本地的低收入外来人口迁居至附近的外来人口聚居区,寻求居住替代,加剧高质量新区周围外来人口聚居区居住品质的恶化。

3.3 基于聚类分析的居住空间分异治理建议

如前所述,居住空间分异的多维内涵可揭示出不同的社会经济空间现象,其成因和空间治理手段也不尽相同。为了更深入理解深圳各辖区非户籍与户籍人口居住空间分异的特点,有的放矢地制定差异化治理政策,本文综合各区在三个维度上的指标差异,进一步开展聚类分析,将深圳非户籍与户籍人口居住空间分异类型划分为三类(图5)。

图5 聚类分析树状图 Fig. 5 Tree diagram of cluster analysis results

首先,龙岗、罗湖与盐田区为第一类,非户籍人口居住空间具有中心分布和内部差异较大的特征,其主要成因是局部地区的城市更新导致区内建成环境差异较大,低收入外来人口被迫向附近未被更新的区域迁移,尤其是一些区位条件好、交通可达性强的城中村。该地区的空间治理应加强对城市更新项目社会效应的评估,通过集中兴建保障性住房等方式解决城市更新后原有租客的居住问题,或通过局部地区产业结构调整降低区内外来人口就业比例。同时,对外来人口密度较大、居住质量较差的定点区域,政府应加强财政投入,提升基础设施和配套服务供给水平。

其次,福田、南山与光明新区为第二类,非户籍人口呈现出集聚和边缘分布的特征,即主要集中在区内成片的工业区附近居住,包括大量企业员工宿舍。因此,该类外来人口居住空间的治理重点是通过与企业或工业园区合作,统筹外来人口居住管理,兴建或提升宿舍区居住质量。同时,在通过城市更新等方式调整产业和人口结构时,建议以企业为单元统筹考虑员工迁居事宜,加强外来人口的组织化管理。

第三,宝安与坪山区的各项指标都比较平均,可划为第三类。但值得注意的是,这两个区是深圳非户籍人口比例最大的区,非户籍人口占总人口的比例均超过88%。该类地区对居住空间分异的治理更宜采取全区普适性政策,如借鉴国内外经验在普通商品房小区配建保障性住房、加强城中村综合整治提升外来人口居住质量等。同时,也要吸取罗湖等区经验,防止城市更新等局部建设加剧区内空间极化。

4 结论与讨论

居住空间分异是一个具有多尺度、多维度特征的复杂现象,单一的相异指数、隔离指数等无法准确刻画在相同的人口分布比例下,由于人口聚居形态、居住区位和居住质量等方面差异导致的更进一步的分异状况及其空间效应。因此,本文构建了集聚—分散度、中心—边缘度和极化—均质度三个分维指数,进一步挖掘居住空间分异的多维内涵,及其所揭示出的不同的社会经济空间现象、成因及空间治理重点。进而运用六普数据对深圳开展实证研究,在计算了全市及各区分维指数的基础上,分析了深圳人口居住空间相异指数特征及空间尺度差异,多维居住空间分异格局特征及成因,并通过聚类分析将深圳非户籍与户籍人口居住空间分异类型划分为三类,分类提出空间治理政策建议。

本文为更加深入细致地理解居住空间分异内涵及其成因、背后所反映的社会问题和治理手段提供了更加丰富的视角,可作为进一步开展相关研究的有效切入点。特别是在大数据时代,更小尺度及基于个体空间行为的多源数据应逐渐补充或替代基于行政区域的空间统计数据,这将更有利于揭示更深层次的分异特征和成因,从而提出操作性、时效性更强的空间治理决策建议。

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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住房制度改革是中国城市居住分异的重要影响因素。住房制度改革后,城市居民可根据自身社会经济特征和消费偏好,选择居住区位和住房与邻里质量。住房选择行为相对自由化。商品房的开发在住房制度改革后得到鼓励,房产商在政府宏观调控指引下,自主选择投资区位,建设不同层次的住房和邻里,以满足不同层次居民的居住需求。不同类型企业、不同工龄的职工在享受房改房的机会明显不同,造成享受者和未享受者住房条件的差异。从而形成居住分异。公共部门的干预使得住房类型构成多样化,出现了经济适用房、房改房和廉租房等资助房,与商品房并存;种种约束条件使得社会群体在不同类型住房中分布并不均衡。形成居住分异。
DOI:10.3969/j.issn.1003-2398.2007.01.010      [本文引用:1]
[Liu Wangbao, Weng Jichuan.The impact of housing reform on residential differentiation in urban China. Human Geography, 2007, 22(1): 49-52.]
[21] Pu Hao.The effects of residential patterns and Chengzhongcun housing on segregation in Shenzhen. Eurasian Geography and Economics, 2015, 56(3): 308-330.
As cities in China undergo growth and transformation, they continue to absorb migrants from both ends of the economic spectrum, giving rise to socially mixed cities. As this occurs, the cities experience an elevated level of residential segregation due to the emergence of new forms of enclave urbanism, such as gated communities andchengzhongcun(villages-in-the-city). Factors including historical legacy, land institutions, and property-led development have contributed to this divided residential pattern at the neighborhood level. However, at larger geographical scales, the degree of segregation depends on whether the provision of different housing types is systematically segregated among urban districts. This paper, using Shenzhen as a case study, examines the spatial logic of the divided pattern of the population by analyzing the distribution of both urban residents and housing provisions. The analysis explores segregation between the privilegedhukouholders and underprivileged non-hukoumigrants as well as the spatial separation of formal urban housing andchengzhongcun. As expected, non-hukoumigrants are largely segregated fromhukouholders due to their much-constrained choice of housing and the widespread availability ofchengzhongcun. A rather low degree of segregation is manifest at the sub-district level. The pattern is somewhat more desirable, as it maintains a more spatially equitable setting that enables disadvantaged groups to reside within short distances of jobs and amenities. Nevertheless, urban renewal programs targeted atchengzhongcunare most likely to jeopardize such a pattern of housing, which may aggravate segregation at the larger geographical levels.
DOI:10.1080/15387216.2015.1089412      [本文引用:1]
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[23] Denton M N A. The dimensions of residential segregation. Social Forces, 1988, 67(2): 281-315.
DOI:10.1093/sf/67.2.281      [本文引用:1]
[24] 陈颂, 汪鑫, 那鲲鹏, . 转型新时期上海房权空间分异格局和机制研究. 城市发展研究, 2016, 23(7): 18-23.
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[Chen Song, Wang Xin, Na Kunpeng, et al.Study on tenure-based housing segregation in transitional Shanghai. Urban Development Studies, 2016, 23(7): 18-23.]
[25] James M S.A generalized index of dissimilarity. Demography, 1981, 18(2): 245-250.
The index of dissimilarity can be interpreted as the ratio of the number that must be moved from cells of excess to cells of deficit to achieve even distribution. This interpretation is used to generalize the index in two directions. First, the index is made applicable to more than two groups at a time. Second, an index and a test of significance are made available for explorations of cells of a two-way contingency table. DISSIM is the name of a computer program which provides these calculations for contingency tables.
DOI:10.2307/2061096      PMID:7227588      [本文引用:1]
[26] Jakubs J F.A distance-based segregation index. Journal of Socio-Economic Planning Science, 1981, 15(6): 129-131.
A tool for measuring segregation in settlement patterns is introduced. This in an extension of the well-known Index of Dissimilarity. By incorporating locations of areal units into the measurement process directly, the distance-based approach substantially reduces the dependence upon size and number of data observations characteristic of the Index of Dissimilarity and other approaches. Experimental tests are reported. These suggest that the locational index constitutes an improvement and is applicable in comparative studies, either cross-sectional or longitudinal.
DOI:10.1016/0038-0121(81)90028-8      [本文引用:1]
[27] White M J.The measurement of spatial segregation. American Journal of Sociology, 1983, 88(5): 1008-1018.
The index of dissimilarity has come to be the principal statistic for measuring segregation, particularly urban residential segregation by race. Recently, though, a literature has arisen which criticizes the dissimilarity index and proposes revisions or alternative statistics. Here a statistic is derived that explicitly incorporates the spatial relationships among the geographic parcels into the tabulation, a feature absent from the dissimilarity index and its competitors. This proximity statistic is compared with other indices and is found to be somewhat successful in distinguishing between single-cluster and multiple-cluster residential settlement patterns.
DOI:10.1086/227768      [本文引用:1]
[28] 王婷, 余丹丹. 边缘社区更新的协作式规划路径: 中国“城中村”改造与法国“ZUS”复兴比较研究. 规划师, 2012, 28(2): 81-85.
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[Wang Ting, Yu Dandan.Cooperative approach for marginal community renewal: Comparison between china's urban village and France's ZUS. Planners, 2012, 28(2): 81-85.]
[29] 班茂盛, 方创琳. 国内城市边缘区研究进展与未来研究方向. 城市规划学刊, 2007, (3): 49-54.
我国城市边缘区研究可划分为1980年代至1990年代中期和1990年代至今两个阶段,对不同时期城市边缘区研究的内容进行了回顾与总结,以及研究特点和研究中存在的问题进行了评述,探讨了未来研究中需要注意的问题.
DOI:10.3969/j.issn.1000-3363.2007.03.010      [本文引用:1]
[Ban Maosheng, Fang Chuanglin.Progress in research on urban fringe and basic frame of research in the future. Urban Planning Forum, 2007, (3): 49-54.]
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