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中国大都市区高新技术产业分叉过程及动力机制——以武汉生物产业为例
刘志高1,2,, 张薇3
1. 中国科学院地理科学与资源研究所,区域可持续发展分析与模拟重点实验室,北京 100101
2. 中国科学院大学资源与环境学院,北京 100049
3. 浙江省发展规划研究院,杭州 310012

作者简介:刘志高(1974- ),男,湖北江陵人,博士,副研究员,研究方向为演化经济地理学。E-mail:liuzhigao@igsnrr.ac.cn

摘要

以演化经济地理学为理论基础,综合经济地理学、产业经济学等相关研究成果,认为中国高新技术产业的形成与发展是本地要素与全球力量、历史条件与现实努力、技术创新与制度变革共同作用的结果,并构建了基于多尺度、多要素的中国高新技术产业分叉动力机制分析框架。同时,以武汉市作为案例区,通过梳理武汉市生物产业形成和演化历程,总结影响其生物产业发展的要素和作用形式。研究发现:生物产业与本地光电子产业之间的技术联系、高校和研究所、以及企业本身仅仅是决定生物产业在武汉市形成的一部分因素,地方政府、跨国公司和留学归国人员等主体也是促成生物产业“生根发芽”的重要主体,它们在武汉生物产业发展的各个阶段,作用程度是不同的。这一点是区别于欧美发达国家以技术为核心的产业分叉研究的,也在一定程度上反映出中国目前的高新技术产业发展仍然停留在“量的扩张”阶段,与欧美发达国家以“质的提升”为主的发展本质有所不同。

关键词: 演化经济地理学; 产业分叉; 生物产业; 转型国家; 多尺度;
The process and dynamics of high-tech industrial branching in China's metropolitan areas: A case study of biotechnology industry in Wuhan
LIU Zhigao1,2,, ZHANG Wei3
1. Key Laboratory of Regional Sustainable Development Modeling, Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, CAS, Beijing 100101, China
2. School of Natural Resources and Environment, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049, China
3. Zhejiang Development Planning Research Institute, Hangzhou 310012
Abstract

The recent development of evolutionary economic geography, particularly of "regional branching", has provided both theoretical perspective and methodological tools for our understanding of the formation of new industries and the branching of existing industrial structures. The existing research on "regional branching" originated in western and developed countries has been putting "technology relatedness" at the core, focusing on the relationship between emerging industries and local established technologies. It is necessary to examine the applicability of analysis framework to China experiencing marketization and globalization. Based on the core concepts of evolutionary economic geography, combining with other approaches from other economic geographies and industrial economics, this article strongly argues that special attention should be given to the impacts of higher level political, economic and technological factors on regional branching in China's metropolitan areas. This article insists that the emergence and evolution of China's high-tech industry is the combined result of the local and global forces, the historical conditions and concentrated efforts, and technological innovation and institutional changes. And it builds a multi-scale and multi-factor dynamic analysis framework for our understanding of high-tech industrial branching in China's metropolitan areas. This article examines the processes and driving elements of the emergence of new industries in the contexts of transitional and globalizing China, taking the emergence of the biotechnology industry of Wuhan as a case, with an aim to understand the processes and dynamics of high-tech industry in the Chinese metropolitan areas. The methods used in this article include case studies, field research, in-depth interviews, spatial analysis and statistical data analysis. The main research outputs include: the technological relatedness, the universities and research institutes and enterprises are of much importance to the emergence of Wuhan biotechnology industry, local governments, multinationals, and overseas returnees, are also important factors, which are different from those in developed countries where new technology producing institutions are regarded as being critical to industrial branching. To a large extent, high-tech industry development in China is currently still on the factor-intensive and quantity-driven path, rather than an innovation-based one.

Keyword: evolutionary economic geography; regional branching; biotechnology industry; transitional countries; multi-scales;
1 引言

从世界各国的发展经验来看,发展高技术产业有利于推动产业不断转型升级,促进经济持续增长、竞争力不断提升。大都市区作为参与全球化竞争的主战场[1],如何因地制宜地在都市区内不断孵化和培育新兴产业成为学术界和政府关注的重大议题之一。新近演化经济地理学关于产业分叉的研究为理解这一话题提供了强大的理论工具[2,3,4,5]。产业分叉在英文文献中的表达为“regional branching”,意在探究地区经济逐步多元化的过程和机制[3]。本文之所以将其翻译为产业分叉,是因为现有的以欧美案例为主的“regional branching”研究,强调新兴产业的形成、演化过程和机制,并重视新兴产业与本地现存产业之间的技术联系(technological relatedness)。因此,相比于“区域分叉”,认为“产业分叉”的翻译更符合“regional branching”相关研究的范式和内容。影响产业分叉的要素多种多样,并且全球、国家和地方等多种尺度的要素在不同区域、不同行业及其产业周期的不同发展阶段,作用程度及产生的效果是不一样的。起源于欧美成熟市场经济体制的产业分叉研究主要关注本地内生技术力量对于新兴产业形成的作用机制。而中国高新技术产业的形成与发展是本地要素与全球力量、历史条件与现实努力、技术创新与制度变革共同作用的结果,其发展动力比欧美国家更为复杂。为此,理解中国大都市区高新技术产业分叉既需要批判性地总结并反思西方产业分叉理论进展,又需要高度关注中国产业分叉机制的复杂性,构建适合于中国大都市区发展的产业分叉理论分析框架。

20世纪80年代以来,中国由相对封闭的计划经济向逐渐开放的市场经济转型,深刻地影响了大都市区产业发展与演化的宏观环境和微观机制。一方面,中国特有的制度和社会经济背景为中国大都市区产业发展创造了特殊的宏观环境。如城乡二元土地制度的存在为开发区的批准和扩容提供了制度性的“便利条件”[6];改革开放以来,市场机制的引入、分权化和分税制改革、政绩考评制度等强化了政府的“企业化”特征[7],在积极改善营商环境的同时,通过不断创造各类开发区争夺资本和技术。另一方面,计划经济时期的遗产和不断嵌入全球化使得中国大都市区企业发展动力机制与欧美相异。由计划经济时期所积累的技术和成长起来的企业成为转型时期高新技术产业发展的重要力量,而国企改革和科教体制的改革、国际化和全球化背景下跨国公司的到来,为高新技术产业的发展不断注入新鲜的“血液”。

因此,在回顾演化经济地理学中现有的以欧美案例为主的产业分叉研究的基础上,结合转型时期中国特有的社会经济制度和发展背景,分析其对大都市区产业分叉的影响,并丰富和发展适用于中国实际的多尺度多要素的产业分叉理论分析框架。同时选择武汉作为案例区,以生物产业为例,来研究中国大都市区的产业分叉。之所以选择武汉,一方面是因为武汉高校和研究所林立,且丰富的科教资源对生物产业的形成和演化产生了重要的影响,将武汉市作为研究区域,可以探索研究机构驱动型的高新技术产业分叉模式;另一方面则是由于在武汉生物产业形成和演化的各个阶段,不同起源类型的企业相继出现,且在产业发展的不同时期所占的比例和发挥的作用是不同的。从中国转型时期所经历的重大事件和制度改革出发,以武汉典型生物企业的企业史为抓手,通过在全球、国家以及本地的宏观制度环境中考察生物产业的发展过程,剖析转型时期中国特有的社会经济制度影响下的大都市区产业分叉的过程和动力机制。

2 理论背景与分析框架

产业结构演替研究是众多学科的传统话题之一,古典经济学家关于产业分工的研究为产业结构研究提供了思想之源。但影响产业结构演替的众多因素会随着研究区域、行业和产业周期阶段的不同而变化,并且这些因素具有很强的历史根植性,新近的演化经济地理学则为该研究提供了很好的理论视角[8,9,10,11,12]。Boschma是最早系统讨论演化经济地理学研究议题的学者,认为演化经济地理学是运用演化经济学的重要概念,包括选择、机会、收益递增和路径依赖等,来解释新兴产业空间的形成、传统工业区的没落、资源型城市的转型发展,以及产业空间分异等重大经济地理学问题[10,11,13]

演化经济地理学中关于产业结构演替的研究重点关注知识和技术的来源,学者们在“MAR外部性理论”和“Jacobs外部性”[14]的基础上,提出了更符合现实情况的“相关多样性”的概念[15,16,17,18]。学者们基于空间计量与可视化分析,即利用就业、出口商品等宏观结构数据,来测定不同区域的产业专业化、多元化程度和相关多样性与整体经济增长以及新产业形成的关系[19,20,21,22],这种从结构主义出发的产业结构演替研究,讨论的是多大程度的专业化或者多元化有利于新产业的形成。定量的宏观分析虽然有助于展示产业结构的变迁,但是却难以解释新产业形成以及产业结构转换的微观动力机制。因此,近年来综合集成以专利为主的创新数据和调研访谈等资料,结合行业案例从微观视角入手的产业分叉研究,成为新的研究趋势。产业分叉的相关研究团队基于“相关多样性”的概念,在理论上坚持区域新产业的形成具有路径依赖的特性,即本地出现的新产业往往来源于技术上相近或者相邻的行业,即新产业与现有产业存在技术关联[23]。这种技术关联是指两种产业之间具有共同或互补的知识基础,并且共享相同的科学或工程原理[24],因此,产业间的技术关联(technological relatedness)与传统的基于货物和资本联系的产业关联是不同的[25]

如何精准地界定和测度新兴产业,尤其是创新性的产业[4]是产业分叉案例研究中面临的一个技术方法难题。由于已有的产业分类体系难以及时囊括新兴产业,因此,学者往往根据技术变革新方向,将电子信息、生物医药、新能源、新材料等作为新兴产业。同时,独立或综合新产品、新企业、专利[26,27]和科技文献[28,29,30]等创新指标,定量测度新产业的空间分布,并以此为基础来分析产业分叉的影响因素。研究表明:① 普遍强调技术关联的重要性[31,32],认为多元化的产业结构更有利于新产业的形成[33,34]。② 重视作为主要知识来源的大学和研究所在产业分叉中的作用[35,36,37],新自由主义之下的大学除了承担传统的教学和科研功能外,还积极从事知识的商业化,参与经济建设[38]。学术全球化的到来使得大学和研究所成为链接全球前沿知识与本地产业的重要主体[39]。③ 主张知识不断外溢有助于孵化新的产业,除了强调人员流动、结网[17]、合同外包等形式外,特别重视企业衍生的作用[2,35,40,41]。企业衍生不仅促进了知识的流动,而且带来企业数量的增加,加剧了企业间的竞争,形成淘汰机制,从而进一步推动了新产业的形成。

企业是构成产业的基本要素,是演化经济地理学研究的基础,因此产业分叉研究强调企业的重要性。企业的发展策略,如技术、组织和管理方式,开拓新产品及市场的能力等关系着企业进入和退出产业。企业的进入产生了集聚经济[42],一方面便于共享基础设施和专业化的劳动力市场,有利于知识的溢出尤其是隐性知识的传播,另一方面则加剧了企业间的竞争,实力较强的企业通过合并和兼并的形式进入新的技术领域,优胜劣汰的机制也促使企业提升自身的创新能力,增加了新产业形成的概率。而企业的存在与发展不可避免地要受到其所处的自然、社会、经济和政治环境的影响。起源于成熟市场经济体制下的产业分叉研究,更加重视企业的技术能力,且主要关注本地尺度要素的影响。西方发达国家产业集群的发展根植于强劲的创新实力、先进的高新技术和成熟的市场经济体制,决定了内生技术要素在其高新技术产业空间形成和演化过程中的核心地位。而对于正处在经济全球化和市场经济改革的双重转型环境中的中国而言,影响高新技术产业分叉的要素,除了知识和技术之外,国家宏观制度的变革,及其影响下的地方经济制度环境的变迁,也非常关键[43,44,45]。同时,随着全球经济一体化程度的不断深化,跨国公司等外部力量的作用同样不容忽视[46,47,48,49]。这些变化不仅影响了新产业的企业来源,也使得产业分叉中出现了新的影响要素及其作用机制。

改革开放政策的实施,深刻地改变了中国传统的经济体制和发展模式,包括资源配置、所有权、劳动力关系、收入分配、中央—地方关系以及社会福利体系等[50,51]。计划经济向市场经济的转型提高了经济发展的效率,国有企业是中国所有制的重要成分,20世纪80年代以来的国企改革帮助其建立现代企业制度[52],并通过研发和引进新兴技术来生产新的产品,从而成为新产业的重要来源。分权化改革虽然扩大了地方政府发展的自主权,但同时需要地方政府积极寻求发展路径增加财政税收来支撑自身的实权,加之干部政绩考核制度的存在,政府“企业化”倾向增强[53,54,55]。高新技术产业作为新的经济增长点,成为各级各地政府竞相引进和培育的焦点之一。为此地方政府需要采取一系列的行动措施[56],包括积极培育地方创新系统、制定并实施多种优惠政策等来吸引企业入驻[57],以及孵化和培育更多的本地高新技术新兴企业。高新区是中国高新技术产业发展的主要空间载体[58,59,60,61],也是地方经济增长的主要贡献者,为增强竞争力,地方政府会积极游说中央政府来获得国家级的称号,并在“二元”土地制度条件下不断扩容[62,63],为新兴产业的形成和发展拓展了物质空间。

进入21世纪以来,跨国公司等全球化因素在中国高新技术产业空间演化中的作用愈发显著,投资的形式除了设立加工性质的生产基地之外,也包括建立区域总部或者研发中心[64,65]。跨国公司与本地经济的互动为中国内生的企业构建了远距离知识交流的通道,从一定程度上为本地企业输入了新的技术和管理经验,但跨国企业出于对自身利益的保护,在产业集群的演化和新产业的形成中发挥的作用相对有限[66]。尽管如此,全球的技术和产业发展趋势影响着中国在一定时期内的产业政策,跨国公司的进入也改变了地方生产网络和组织形式[67]。同时,伴随着知识经济的全球化,作为主要创新知识来源的高校和公共研究机构通过合作研发、项目合作和科研人员交流等途径从全球范围内获取用于集群创新的前沿知识,并通过衍生企业、技术合作等形式参与到本地经济的发展中。除此之外,高校的海外校友网络也是留学归国人员获取创业信息的主要窗口[68,69,70],通过与国内校友的合作,将国外先进的知识和技术通过创办新兴企业的形式,促进本地新兴产业的发展(图1)。

图1 中国高新区产业分叉机制理论框架 Fig. 1 The theoretical framework of the industrial bifurcation mechanism of China's high and new zone

3 研究区概况与数据来源

武汉市位于湖北省东部,是中国第三大科教中心。2000年以后,武汉市高新技术产业发展迅速,产值和增加值分别从2001年的428.6亿元和158.4亿元提升至2014年的6599.7亿元和1994.9亿元,年均增长率分别达到23.41%和21.51%。其中,以生物医药和医疗器械为代表的生物产业是武汉市重点培育的两大“千亿级产业”之一。2014年,武汉市生物医药和医疗器械行业增加值为67.94亿元,2001年以来的年均增长率为10%,生物产业发展趋势与此相同。根据武汉统计信息网相关统计公报及调研可知,武汉市80%以上的生物产业均集中在武汉东湖新技术产业开发区,即“武汉·中国光谷”(以下简称光谷或东湖高新区)。

东湖高新区成立于1988年,现规划面积518 km2图2),既是中国的第一家国家光电子产业基地,也是中国继中关村之后的第二家国家自主创新示范区,目前的产业结构主要是以光电子信息为主,生物、节能环保、高端装备制造和现代服务业等产业为辅。从统计数据看,生物产业目前在规模上稍逊色于其他产业,但作为武汉近年来的新兴科技型产业,增长潜力巨大。

图2 武汉·中国光谷 Fig. 2 Wuhan: Optics Valley of China

本文数据和资料主要来源有两方面:① 室内调研。通过搜索东湖新技术开发区政务网、光谷生物城官方网站和光谷统计信息网等相关网站,查阅《见证武汉·中国光谷》等相关书籍、浏览已发布的新闻报道等,整理汇总武汉光谷、光谷生物城和生物产业的历史资料和数据。② 实地走访调研。于2016年9月份和11月份两次对光谷管委会、武汉国家生物产业基地建设管理办公室、代表性企业、大学科技园等进行深度调研访谈,并在后期完成论文过程中对企业有关负责人进行电话和E-Mail访谈,主要了解了武汉生物产业的演化过程、光谷生物城的设立背景、武汉高新技术产业和生物产业相关政策、生物企业孵化情况、资深企业家创业故事和代表性企业发展历程等(表1)。

表1 武汉光谷调研主要内容 Tab. 1 Main contents of investigation in Optics Valley, Wuhan
4 武汉生物产业分叉过程及动力机制分析

武汉生物产业及其空间的演化受全球以及国家宏观制度的影响,包括全球生产网络的形成、全球生物产业发展趋势、中国改革开放政策的实施以及加入WTO等。地方力量,一方面包括湖北省及武汉市的产业政策、创新氛围,和光谷的优惠政策等,直接作用于生物产业的形成和发展历程;另一方面生物产业作为典型的科技型产业,武汉的高校和研究所也对生物产业的演化起到了关键的作用。因此,结合武汉光谷生物企业数量、规模、发展的主要领域以及重大的全球及国家制度变革和地方政策变迁,将武汉生物产业形成和演化历史划分为四个主要的阶段,分别是建国初期到1977年、1978-1999年、2000-2009年和2010年至今。

4.1 老字号中药店铺改革,传统中药产业独占鳌头(建国初期-1977年)

从新中国成立到改革开放之前的计划经济时期,以马应龙和叶开泰为代表的早期传统家族经营式的中药店基本占据了武汉中药产业的半壁江山。在1954年中国民族资本主义工商业公私合营改造浪潮中,武汉绝大部分较小的中药店铺被取消名号,仅有一小部分声名显赫的老字号大药店得以生存下来,相继被改造为武汉市第三制药厂、公私合营武汉市健民制药厂和武汉市中联制药厂等,为武汉现代医药产业发展奠定了制造方面的基础。同时期武汉的化学制药产业主要是对进口的原料药材进行简单加工,几乎没有得到发展。尽管如此,这一时期中药和化药的发展却成为武汉后来生物医药产业的重要组成部分。作为主要知识来源的高校,生物专业课程数量相对较少,且生命工程类的知识讲授不多,产学研缺乏互动。这一时期,武汉的生物产业几乎处于空白的状态。

4.2 生物技术成果转化伊始,生物产业萌芽(1978-1999年)

1978年以后,武汉在计划经济时期转制的国有制药厂相继被改造为股份制公司,成立了包括武汉健民、马应龙药业、中联药业、中博生化和联合药业等一批股份制有限公司。这些公司在现代生物技术的改造下,构成了武汉生物医药产业的重要部分。湖北省和武汉市政府为支持高新技术产业的发展,于1988年设立了东湖高新区,作为主导产业的光电子产业为后来武汉生物医疗器械领域的发展奠定了技术基础。科教体制的改革推动了中国高校由教学型向研究型的转变,武汉各大高校的生物院系和生物技术相关的实验室相继建立,为后来的成果转化奠定了基础。文革之后成功的科技创业案例激励了武汉本地大学的一些教职人员和毕业生,引导他们开始探索将生物技术等新兴领域的研发成果转化为经济效益。1988年毕业于武汉大学的七个研究生创办了人福医药集团的前身武汉当代生化技术研究所,1989年华中师范大学的几名毕业生和武汉大学的张廷璧教授合作创立了红桃K集团,以它们为代表的企业是武汉第一批真正意义上的生物企业,也确立了研究机构在生物产业发展中的重要地位。但从发展规模和技术水平来看,此时的生物产业仍处于萌芽阶段。

4.3 新兴企业大量涌现,生物产业初具规模,但尚未形成集聚经济(2000-2009年)

在中国知识产权保护和科技成果转化的相关法律法规不断完善的背景下,包括武汉在内的各地创办科技企业的科研人员和高校毕业生的数量逐步增多。中国大学职能由研究型向创业型的变革,使得来自高校和科研机构的衍生企业在2000年以后如雨后春笋般成长起来。1998年筹建的东湖高新区国家大学科技园,是武汉市光电子、软件、生物、新能源新材料和教育等产业重要的孵化器。进入21世纪,武汉市在“十五”和“十一五”规划纲要中明确了生物产业在经济发展中的地位,并引导生物医药产业集聚。2001年,东湖高新区被冠以“中国光谷”的称号,知名度大增,由此吸引了一大批的创业人员来光谷创办企业。其中,一部分是高校和研究所的衍生企业,一部分是海外留学人员通过校友网络以及武汉政府和光谷管委会的各种人才引进计划,获得回国创业信息,来汉创业(表2),还有一部分则是发展成熟的大型企业衍生的子公司。不同于20世纪90年代研究机构的衍生企业,2000年以后成立的生物企业得到了光谷园区内各种专业孵化器的支持,企业的成活率相较之前有了很大的提高。虽然2007年光谷生物城开始建设,但是在2010年以前,仍然以基础设施建设和配套为主,且多数企业仍然处于初创阶段,分散在各个孵化器中,生物产业集群尚未形成。

表2 光谷生物城部分留学归国人员创办/经营企业名录 Tab. 2 Directory of founding / operating enterprises of returned overseas students in Optics Valley Bio-City

光谷生物城的设立从一定程度上来说得益于东湖高新区从20世纪末开始的扩容。为了应对产业规模扩大带来的空间不足的问题,东湖高新区通过六次对周边村镇的托管将面积从最初的24 km2拓展至518 km2。包括光谷在内的很多高新区,均经历了大规模的空间扩张,这也是中国不同于其他发展中国家及欧美和后社会主义国家的空间特征之一,这源于中国城市“二元”土地制度为其提供了制度便利。虽然这种土地开发的发展模式备受诟病,但在当前中国高新技术产业仍以数量扩张为主的阶段,高新区的扩张为新兴产业的发展提供了充足的空间,武汉生物产业的发展同样如此。光谷生物城的九峰创新基地位于2008年托管的九峰乡三星村范围内,九龙产业基地则位于2007年托管的江夏区豹澥镇九龙村,凯迪能源基地位于江夏大道以东、汤逊湖以北,属于光谷2005年托管的区域。由此可见,“二元”土地制度下光谷政府主导的园区扩张是武汉生物产业得以发展的前提条件。

图3 光谷历次扩张及光谷生物城四个产业基地分布 Fig. 3 The expansion of Optics Valley and the distribution of four industrial bases in Optics Valley Bio-City

4.4 企业进驻生物城,产业集群形成,全球化程度提高(2010年至今)

2010年左右,光谷生物城的配套设施基本完成,分散在光谷各个孵化器内的新兴企业才正式开始向生物城集聚。武汉大批新兴生物企业的成立,以及它们向光谷生物城的集聚,都离不开当地政府的引导和推动。少数大企业建立研发中心,增强了生物城内企业整体的创新意识,反过来巩固了武汉本地的生物技术基础。生物城内的大型医药企业将自己的中试和生产车间等租赁给中小企业,帮助它们在短时期内完成药物研发、小试、中试以及药物代谢等一系列流程,产业集群的优势得以体现,也推动了生物城产业规模的扩大。随着光谷生物城产业基础和技术基础的不断强化,其吸引外资的能力也愈来愈强,多家“世界500强”企业在光谷生物城建立生产基地、区域总部或者全球研发及数据中心。尽管跨国公司对于提高武汉本地生物企业创新能力的程度非常有限,但仍然扩大了生物城的知名度和生物产业规模,并且推动政府不断优化制度和营商环境,间接推动了生物产业的持续壮大。

可以看出,2010年以后,光谷的生物产业才开始呈现集群式的规模化发展,企业之间的合作网络逐步建立。同时,在经济全球化的影响下,光谷的生物产业也在不断与世界生产和创新网络接轨,不论是在吸引企业入驻还是本地企业对外投资方面,都较之前有了很大的进步。这一方面得益于企业自主创新能力和管理能力的提升,更重要的是,地方政府通过完善基础设施、制定产业政策和人才税收优惠措施等方式优化光谷生物城、光谷以及武汉的产业发展环境。

4.5 小结

通过梳理武汉市生物产业的演化历程,并分析典型企业的发展史,可以发现,武汉生物产业的企业类型在各个阶段均有所不同(图4):第一阶段是建国初期到1977年的计划经济体制时期内,以马应龙、健民、中联等为代表的国有企业独占鳌头,这些老字号中药店铺在经历了改制重组之后继续发展壮大,为武汉生物产业的发展奠定了制造基础,并利用生物技术发展现代中药产业,成为武汉生物医药产业的重要组成部分;第二阶段是1978年改革开放以后,科教体制改革等推动了武汉生物技术的研发,也促进了一批科研成果的转化,来自于高校和研究机构的衍生企业相继出现,它们开拓了中药和化药之外的生物医药等新技术领域的研发,也最先实现了本地生物技术科研成果的转化;第三阶段是进入21世纪,在武汉成立的大批新兴企业,主要包括研究机构的衍生企业、留学归国人员创办的企业,以及部分发展相对成熟的大型企业的子公司;第四阶段也就是2010年以后,光谷生物城跨国公司的比例逐步提高,它们在光谷投资的形式除了建立制造基地之外,还包括设立研发中心和区域总部等。由此看出,武汉生物产业的发展同时受到全球、国家和地方三种尺度力量的影响。从全球尺度来看,跨国公司是构成武汉市生物产业的基本力量,同时,海归创办的企业也是其重要组成部分;从国家尺度来看,市场化改革提高了国有企业的发展效率,城市“二元”土地制度为生物产业空间扩容提供了制度便利,分权化改革促进了生物产业营商环境的改善;而在武汉本地尺度,大学和研究所的作用至关重要,企业竞争与合作优化了产业发展环境,地方政府为吸引人才和企业不断提高服务职能,而光谷的光电子产业则为医疗器械行业奠定了技术基础。

图4 武汉部分主要生物企业谱系图 Fig. 4 Pedigree chart of some major biological enterprises in Wuhan

从案例分析中可发现,武汉市生物产业的发展与宏观的全球和国家环境变化有着极其密切的关系。计划经济时期的国有制药厂为后来武汉市生物产业的发展积累了资源,而国企改革则赋予了国有制药厂新的“生命”,使武汉市生物产业有了一定的制造基础。科教体制改革实施后高校的两次转型分别为武汉市生物产业的发展积累了技术成果,开启了生物技术成果转化的道路,也正式拉开了武汉市生物产业发展的序幕。国家创新意识的增强,推动了武汉市各种孵化器的建立,为2000年以后大批新兴生物企业提供了物理空间和咨询服务,从而提高了小微企业的成活率。“二元”土地制度的确立一定程度上有助于武汉光谷的扩容,为生物产业的发展提供了物理性的空间。分权化改革激励着地方政府不断优化武汉市和光谷的产业发展和营商环境,从而吸引大量的跨国企业壮大本地的生物产业规模。因此,在今后的新兴产业孵化和培育中,洞悉寰宇,顺应宏观制度变革来谋划产业发展很有必要。

在全球化时代,经济活动在扎根于本地制度和文化中的同时也要与全球技术和市场保持密切的联系。武汉市的生物产业之所以在较短的时间内能发展至一定的规模,一方面是因为其很好地利用并改造了计划经济时期的技术遗产,同时又顺应潮流不断引进资本和人才,为本地产业的发展注入新鲜的“血液”。可见,随着经济全球化程度的加深,以开放的眼光平衡内生外生力量,并发挥各自的优势实现两者的耦合是发展地区经济的关键。而武汉市作为传统的内陆科教城市,依靠本地的研究力量发展高新技术产业是一个经济快捷的途径。在强调自主创新的当下,研究机构和产业应该是相互支撑相互扶持的,武汉市在新的经济环境下,充分利用自身的生物技术成果积累完成转化,为其生物产业增添了浓墨重彩的一笔,产学研结合是新的时期推动高新技术产业持续增长的基本动力之一。当然,产业的健康发展以及转型升级仍然需要政府这只“看得见的手”去规范和完善产业发展环境。综上所述,高新技术产业的孵化和培育是在宏观制度改革浪潮中,经济、技术和服务主体各司其职且相互配合的结果。

5 结论与讨论
5.1 结论

本文立足于转型时期中国大都市区产业分叉的实际,在已有演化经济地理学理论分析框架的基础上,构建了中国大都市区多尺度多要素的产业分叉机制理论分析框架。在该分析框架中,本地尺度的企业是构成产业的基本力量,也是影响产业分叉的基础要素,这与已有的演化经济地理学分析框架相同。然而国内“强”政府的治理手段和措施深刻影响着产业空间的演化,政府与企业、研究机构、行业协会及中介机构等行为主体共同塑造了地方经济制度环境,继而作用于地方产业的发展。本地尺度的要素镶嵌于国家宏观社会、政治经济环境和制度中,改革开放以来的市场化改革、分权化改革、“二元”土地制度、中央—地方关系、产业(空间)发展政策、科教体制改革等一系列制度变革不仅引导着高新技术产业的技术方向,也为拓展产业空间提供了制度性的便利。地方政府在响应制度调整过程中“企业化”倾向的增强,加剧了区域间的竞争与合作,促使政府不断转变自身的行为和手段以争取最大的利益。在全球尺度,得益于通讯和交通技术日趋发达而不断深化的经济全球化,促使全球生产网络和知识网络的形成,跨国公司和海外留学人员等外部力量作用于中国高新技术产业空间的形成和演化。三种尺度的多种要素相互作用,共同决定着中国高新技术产业分叉过程。

本文以武汉为案例,通过回溯新中国成立后武汉生物产业形成及演化的过程,探究了武汉生物产业分叉的影响要素及机制。结果表明:武汉生物产业与本地已有产业之间的技术联系、以高校和研究所为代表的知识产出主体、企业本身,也就是西方产业分叉研究中关注的重点部分,仅仅是决定生物产业在武汉“生根发芽”的一部分因素,地方政府、跨国公司和留学归国人员等主体也各有贡献。这与欧美国家以技术为核心的动力机制是不同的。当然,并不是说技术联系对中国高新技术产业的发展不重要,只是当前中国的创新能力与技术水平仍然与发达国家存在着差距,高新技术产业的发展仍未达到以“质的提升”为主的阶段,很大程度上还是停留在“量的扩张”阶段。在中国独特的文化传统和“威权主义下的地方激励机制”的共同驱动下,地方政府为在短期内扩大产业规模,达到利益诉求,会采取多种措施介入扩大物理空间、吸引企业入驻、优化产业环境、改善地方营商环境等。可见,除了技术要素外,制度变迁中的地方政府是影响中国高新技术产业分叉的重要主体。

5.2 讨论

伴随着中国成长为全球的超级经济大国和塑造国际政治经济秩序的重要力量,“中国模式”逐渐引起学者们的兴趣。本文也在试图为理解中国经济发展道路和动力机制的独特性做出一点贡献。自从信息技术革命以来,经济地理学侧重于中观尺度的研究,包括产业集群和区域创新系统等。但是在风云变幻的四十年间,全球的政治经济环境发生了很大的变化,“大国崛起”、国家之间的不均衡发展现象值得注意,背后的机制也亟待我们去揭开其神秘的面纱,但或许仅仅依靠中观尺度的研究难以完成这一任务。在未来的研究中应该重新引入宏观的视角和方法,将中观层面的产业演化与宏观的政治经济结构变化相联系,以便更好地理解产业分叉的演化规律和机制。

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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Wir stellen die These auf, dass sich die Jacobs-Externalit01ten am besten anhand der zusammenh01ngenden Vielfalt (innerhalb von Sektoren) messen lassen, w01hrend sich das Portfolio-Argument besser durch nicht zusammenh01ngende Vielfalt (zwischen verschiedenen Sektoren) darstellen l01sst. Mit Hilfe einer Methodologie auf der Grundlage entropischer Messungen ermitteln wir zusammenh01ngende Vielfalt und nicht zusammenh01ngende Vielfalt. Anhand von Daten auf dem NUTS 3-Niveau in den Niederlanden für den Zeitraum von 1996 bis 2002 stellen wir fest, dass die Jacobs-Externalit01ten zu einem Anstieg des Besch01ftigungsniveaus führen, w01hrend nicht zusammenh01ngende Vielfalt den Anstieg der Arbeitslosigkeit d01mpft. Der Anstieg der Produktivit01t l01sst sich durch traditionelle Determinanten wie Investitionen und Ausgaben für F&E erkl01ren. Im Anschluss werden die Konsequenzen für die Regionalpolitik beschrieben. Vielfalt; Wachstum; Jacobs-Externalit01ten; Agglomerationswirtschaften; U¨bertragung; Entropie; Frenken K., Van Oort F. y Verburg T. (2007) Variedad relacionada, variedad no relacionada y el crecimiento económico regional, Regional Studies 41, 685–697. En la teoría económica, podemos distinguir entre la variedad como una fuente de desbordamientos de conocimiento regionales, llamados externalidades Jacobs, y la variedad como una cartera que protege una región de choques externos. Sostenemos que las externalidades Jacobs se miden mejor según la variedad relacionada (dentro de los sectores), mientras que el argumento de la cartera se capta mejor con una variedad no relacionada (entre sectores). Para calcular la variedad relacionada y la variedad no relacionada, introducimos una metodología basada en las medidas de entropía. 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动态外部性对于城市产业增长具有显著影响,考察技术关联与城市产业增长之间的关系,并结合产业特征和区域特征构建产业—空间新增长模型,探讨技术关联对城市产业增长的影响机制。采用1998-2008年中国工业企业数据库的数据,研究发现产业特征和区域特征与技术关联存在相互作用,技术密集型产业的技术关联显著促进产业增长,此外东部地区技术关联越高,产业增长越迅速。研究表明,技术关联对城市产业增长的影响具有显著的促进作用,且在不同产业内部和不同区域间存在显著差异。
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61We analyzed shale gas-related patent applications in the USPTO and SIPO.61We clustered shale gas patents by text mining patent abstract.61Differences were observed in shale gas technologies developed in the U.S. and China.61We proposed the policies of shale gas exploration and development based on patent analysis.
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This paper investigates the impact of scientific relatedness on knowledge dynamics in biotech at the city level during the period 1989鈥2008. We assess the extent to which the emergence of new research topics and the disappearance of existing topics in cities are dependent on their degree of scientific relatedness with existing topics in those cities. We make use of the rise and fall of title words in scientific publications in biotech to identify major cognitive developments within the field. We determined the degree of relatedness between 1028 scientific topics in biotech by means of co-occurrence of pairs of topics in journal articles. We combined this relatedness indicator between topics in biotech with the scientific portfolio of cities (i.e. the topics on which they published previously) to determine how cognitively close a potentially new topic (or an existing topic) is to the scientific portfolio of a city. We analyzed knowledge dynamics at the city level by looking at the entry and exit of topics in the scientific portfolio of 276 cities in the world. We found strong and robust evidence that new scientific topics in biotech tend to emerge systematically in cities where scientifically related topics already exist, while existing scientific topics had a higher probability to disappear from a city when these were weakly related to the scientific portfolio of the city.
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This study seeks to quantify the impact of the nonprofit sector on economic development by more clearly defining the diverse roles that nonprofits may play in development – instrumental, expressive, and connective. We begin by summarizing existing research on nonprofit organizations and economic development. Using secondary data, we test our model in 360 U.S. metropolitan areas for the years 2001–2006. Do nonprofit organizations produce economic growth? Our statistical findings suggest, “Not really” and “It depends.” While some forms of nonprofit organizations (business associations) are positively related to growth, others such as congregations and social and fraternal associations may have a dampening effect. Overall, our findings suggest complex relationships between individual forms of capital, organizational structures, and development that may be place and time dependent. While our findings currently provide little guidance for policy makers attempting to promote economic development, our findings do have important implications for nonprofit and public policy scholars. Any attempt to explore the relationship between nonprofit activity and development must untangle indicators of individual behavior (church attendance or census return rates) from indicators of organizational structures (such as the number of specific organizations). Second, any effort to understand the impact of the nonprofit sector should disaggregate sector measures based upon a conceptual understanding of the diverse roles of various organizational types (for example, human service organizations versus social and fraternal organizations). Finally, growth and development and the role of the sector are contextual, exhibiting significant regional and temporal variation.
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The biotechnology industry poses a particular challenge to analysis because its origins were poorly understood or even noticed at the time. The purpose of this paper is to examine and make sense of recent developments in the U.S. biotechnology industry. The pioneers and subsequent followers in biotechnology came from other fields. They altered their career trajectories in sciences like genetics and medical research to enter an unknown and undefined field, which only subsequently became labeled as biotechnology. Those regions exhibiting the greatest success in developing biotechnology clusters also possessed the greatest ability to unleash the potential commercialization latent in those scientists. To generate a successful regional cluster, the existence of world class scientific talent is a necessary condition. However, it is not a sufficient condition. The ancillary or complementary factors must also be available to translate this knowledge into a commercialized product. The complementary factors include the presence of venture capital and other forms of finance, the existence of an entrepreneurial culture, and transparent and minimal regulations fostering the start-up and growth processes.
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文章从区域产业演化的视角出发,探讨了产业关联以及制度环境对区域产业演化的影响.通过对1998—2013年中国337个地级单元和167个三位数制造业的实证研究发现,区域产业演化受到产业关联的显著影响,倾向于朝着与区域已有产业存在紧密联系的方向进行多样化发展.同时,对外开放度、市场自由化水平和政府干预程度三项区域制度变量作为重要的外部力量,会影响甚至改变区域产业演化的路径和方向.对外开放度高、市场自由化水平强、政府干预力度大的区域更有利于提高新产业进入和降低已有产业退出的可能性.
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abstract Within the evolutionary economic geography framework, the role of institutions deserves more explicit attention. We argue that territorial institutions are to be viewed as orthogonal to organizational routines since each territory is characterized by a variety of routines and a single firm can apply its routines in different territorial contexts. It is therefore meaningful to distinguish between institutional economic geography and evolutionary economic geography as their explanans is different. Yet the two approaches can be combined in a dynamic framework in which institutions coevolve with organizational routines, particularly in emerging industries. Furthermore, integrating the evolutionary and institutional approach allows one to analyze the spatial diffusion of organizational routines that mediate conflicts among social groups, in particular, those between employers and employees. An evolutionary economic geography advocates an empirical research program, both qualitative and quantitative, that can address the relative importance of organizational routines and territorial institutions for regional development.
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1990年代以来全球范围内的众多国家发生了重大制度转型,以中国为代表的社会主义国家转型引起了国际学者的广泛关注.城市空间结构是城市社会、经济发展的空间投影,对其理解也必然要从制度转型的深刻层面去加以认识.文章系统回顾了西方城市空间结构研究经历的城市形态研究、实证主义方法、政治经济学分析等过程,揭示出其基本走向是转向对深层制度性因素的关注.继而文章着重分析了中国制度转型的三个根本方面,并概要性地阐释了其对城市空间的影响,最后列举了相应的一些重要研究领域和基本方向.
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随着交通通讯技术的发展,跨国公司在东道国内部实现功能空间分离。伴随中国渐进式的改革开放进程,全球500强跨国公司逐步在中国实现地理扩张和功能扩张。本文基于1979-2008年电子信息和医药化工产业的全球500强跨国公司在华投资数据研究跨国公司功能区位。研究表明,跨国公司倾向于在已有投资的城市追加投资,不同功能呈现一定差异性地理分布,但功能之间共聚趋势明显。区域性总部和商务功能聚集在一线城市,生产功能布局于省会和一线城市周边地区,研发功能追随生产功能。条件逻辑模型分析表明,跨国公司功能区位存在显著的公司内集聚、跨公司集聚、来源国集聚以及跨功能共聚现象。市场潜力及城市行政地位也是吸引跨国公司投资的重要因素。随着全方位开放格局形成,集聚效应较制度优势更为重要。跨国公司分支机构地理集聚提升一线城市的功能,强化顶级城市的领导力和聚集力。跨国公司的功能片段化布局既依托我国的城市等级体系,又在一定程度上重塑我国城市空间结构,促进城市体系按价值链等级进行专业化分工并推动区域协作。
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跨国公司在华投资逐渐从单一功能向整条价值链拓展,其不同功能的 空间布局与中国的城市等级相对应,影响和改变着中国城市体系的空间结构.本文分析了在华制造类跨国公司不同功能环节进入中国的渐变过程及其区位分布与中国 城市等级体系的对应关系;并以全球五百强企业在华分支机构的数据为基础,采用条件逻辑模型分析了不同功能的区位决定因素,发现在控制城市特性基础上,城市 行政级别、距离中心城市远近和城市人口规模共同影响跨国公司功能区住,而且相同功能之间以及研发和生产、生产和物流、销售与生产等不同功能间均存在着共聚 现象.此类功能共聚推动着中国城市功能专业化发展和城市区域的产生.
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开发区是近20年来我国经济发展的重要空间载体.经济活动在开发区的集聚,对所在地区的空间 结构产生了深刻的影响.结合对开发区的实地调研,提出我国开发区与城市空间结构演进的基本类型可分为双核结构、连片带状结构、多极触角结构等.并指出开发 区与城市空间结构的演进主要是由跨国公司主导的外部作用力、城市与乡村的扩散力和开发区的集聚力共同作用的结果.
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61Empirical evidence suggests that increasing public land auctions boost economic growth.61This is consistent with the GDP-based evaluation criteria for political promotion in China.61Public land auctions occur in residential or commercial markets, but not industrial markets.61This indicates that local officials balance between political promotion and rent seeking.
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There has been continuous debate on whether the state can support market-based activities in the land market. It is widely recognized that land markets do not function by themselves, mainly because they are inherently imperfect; this imperfection provides foundation for state intervention. Under the Land Use Rights System of China, land supply is a powerful tool for intervening into land markets, and proceeds from land supply greatly contribute to local revenue and financing of infrastructure construction. The state, however, is not an impartial entity. Its desire to increase local revenue through land leasing has led to the oversupply of land and housing affordability problems in real estate markets. This paper, using evidence from Guangzhou, argues that land supply intervention is a two-edged sword in Chinese city development. It further claims that the state intervention is becoming gradually professional after the real estate market bubble in the early 1990s. Problems, such as structure imbalance in land supply, however, still have negative impacts on the sustainable development of Chinese cities.
DOI:10.1016/j.landusepol.2008.08.012      [本文引用:1]
[64] 贺灿飞, 肖晓俊. 跨国公司功能区位实证研究. 地理学报, 2011, 66(12): 1669-1681.
随着交通通讯技术的发展,跨国公司在东道国内部实现功能空间分离。伴随中国渐进式的改革开放进程,全球500强跨国公司逐步在中国实现地理扩张和功能扩张。本文基于1979-2008年电子信息和医药化工产业的全球500强跨国公司在华投资数据研究跨国公司功能区位。研究表明,跨国公司倾向于在已有投资的城市追加投资,不同功能呈现一定差异性地理分布,但功能之间共聚趋势明显。区域性总部和商务功能聚集在一线城市,生产功能布局于省会和一线城市周边地区,研发功能追随生产功能。条件逻辑模型分析表明,跨国公司功能区位存在显著的公司内集聚、跨公司集聚、来源国集聚以及跨功能共聚现象。市场潜力及城市行政地位也是吸引跨国公司投资的重要因素。随着全方位开放格局形成,集聚效应较制度优势更为重要。跨国公司分支机构地理集聚提升一线城市的功能,强化顶级城市的领导力和聚集力。跨国公司的功能片段化布局既依托我国的城市等级体系,又在一定程度上重塑我国城市空间结构,促进城市体系按价值链等级进行专业化分工并推动区域协作。
DOI:10.11821/xb201112008      [本文引用:1]
[He Canfei, Xiao Xiaojun.Geography of multinational corporations in China: An empirical study of fortune global 500 multinational corporations in electronics and medical and chemical industries. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2011, 66(12): 1669-1681.]
[65] 张瑜. 跨国公司R&D在华行业及地区分布的影响因素分析. 上海: 东华大学硕士学位论文, 2014.
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[Zhang Yu.The Analysis of Influence Factors Based on the Industries and Regions of MNCs R&D Organizations in China. Shanghai: Master Dissertation of Donghua University, 2014.]
[66] 魏才. 跨国公司研发中心为何而来? 企业管理, 2006, (2): 6-7.
近年来,诸多跨国公司巨头纷纷在华设立研发中心,不少人曾乐观地认为这是从产品到技术的输入的可喜转变,然而,事实果真如此吗?他们给中国市场带来了什么?
DOI:10.3969/j.issn.1003-2320.2006.02.002      [本文引用:1]
[Wei Cai.Where do R&D centers of MNCs come from?. Enterprise Management, 2006, (2): 6-7.]
[67] 王俊松, 潘峰华, 田明茂. 跨国公司总部在城市内部的空间分异及影响因素: 以上海为例. 地理研究, 2017, 36(9): 1667-1679.
[本文引用:1]
[Wang Junsong, Pan Fenghua, Tian Mingmao.Spatial pattern of headquarters of multinational enterprises in Shanghai. Geographical Research, 2017, 36(9): 1667-1679.]
[68] 王缉慈. 超越集群:中国产业集群的理论探索. 北京: 科学出版社, 2010.
[本文引用:1]
[Wang Jici.Beyond the Clusters:Theoretical Exploration of China 's Industrial Clusters. Beijing: Science Press, 2010.]
[69] Saxenian A, Hsu J Y.The silicon valley-hsinchu connection:Technical communities and industrial upgrading. Social Science Electronic Publishing, 2001, 10(4): 893-920.
Silicon Valley in California and the Hsinchu-Taipei region of Taiwan are among the most frequently cited "miracles" of the information technology era. The dominant accounts of these successes treat them in isolation, focusing either on free markets, multinationals or the role of the state. This paper argues that the dynamism of these regional economies is attributable to their increasing interdependencies. A community of US-educated Taiwanese engineers has coordinated a decentralized process of reciprocal industrial upgrading by transferring capital, skill and know-how to Taiwan, and by facilitating collaborations between specialist producers in the two regions. This case underscores the significance of technical communities and their institutions in transferring technology and organizing production at the global as well as the local level. Copyright 2001 by Oxford University Press.
DOI:10.1093/icc/10.4.893      [本文引用:1]
[70] 朱华晟, 赵雪平, 吴骏毅, . 大学与城市创意产业空间—网络构建: 以北京市规划设计业为例. 经济地理, 2013, 33(3): 84-92.
现有研究没有足够重视大学在新产业空间构建中的参与方式与动力,也缺乏对其网络地位的深入刻画.本研究以北京规划设计业为例对此予以讨论.采取结构式问卷和深度访谈,搜集非格式化的企业数据,并利用UCINET工具分析地方网络结构.研究表明:大学参与产业政策制定及商业模式决策,并进而影响城市产业空间重塑;除自建园区外,大学还以合建、参建等方式与其它机构共建创意园区,并能增强园区内部功能联系.这既反映创意产业对知识、创新和人才等高级要素的内在诉求,又应合商业地产开发模式的转变.丰富的创意资源、广泛的校友网络以及在专业领域内的品牌影响力,是大学与其它机构合作的资源基础.正因此,大学能够跨越其周边集聚区的空间边界,在城市创意产业网络中占据中心度较高的位置,发挥“桥梁”作用.通常,少数大学的功能地位远高于其它同行.
[本文引用:1]
[Zhu Huasheng, Zhao Xueping, Wu Junyi, et al.Universities, urban creative space and network: A case study of planning & design industry in Beijing. Economic Geography, 2013, 33(3): 84-92.]
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