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地理研究 >

2017 , Vol. 36 >Issue 6: 1053 - 1064

DOI: https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201706005

女性主义地理学视角下的广州女性居民日常出行目的及影响因素

  • 何嘉明 , 1, 2 ,
  • 周素红 , 1, 2 ,
  • 谢雪梅 3
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  • 1. 中山大学地理科学与规划学院,广州 510275
  • 2. 广东省城市化与地理环境空间模拟重点实验室,广州 510275
  • 3. 深圳市龙岗区外国语学校,深圳 518172
周素红（1976- ）,女,广东饶平人,教授,博士生导师,主要从事城市地理、时空间行为和城市交通等方面研究。E-mail:

作者简介：何嘉明（1991- ）,男,广东佛山人,硕士,主要从事城市地理与城市规划研究。E-mail:

收稿日期: 2017-01-02

  要求修回日期: 2017-03-03

  网络出版日期: 2017-06-30

基金资助

国家自然科学基金项目（41522104,41271166）

中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金（15lgjc24）

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Female residents' daily travel purpose and its influencingfactors from the perspective of feminism: A case study in Guangzhou, China

  • HE Jiaming , 1, 2 ,
  • ZHOU Suhong , 1, 2 ,
  • XIE Xuemei 3
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  • 1. School of Geography and Planning, Sun Yat-Sen University, Guangzhou 510275, China
  • 2. Guangdong Key Laboratory for Urbanization and Geo-simulation, Sun Yat-Sen University, Guangzhou 510275, China
  • 3. Shenzhen Longgang Foreign Language School, Shenzhen 518172, Guangdong, China

Received date: 2017-01-02

  Request revised date: 2017-03-03

  Online published: 2017-06-30

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《地理研究》编辑部
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摘要

日常生活的权利和平等是女性主义地理学关注的问题。在个体出行的视角上,已有的研究大多停留在两性出行特征差异的描述统计上,对反映两性家庭生活分工不平等的“出行目的”研究较为缺乏。工作型、家务型和休闲型三种类型的出行目的结构对审视女性出行活动权利和生活质量有着直接的作用,有必要进行深入探讨。此外,对女性的出行影响因素研究主要集中在个人和家庭属性因素上,缺乏对女性居民出行空间的建成环境分析。鉴于此,以广州市为例,选取18个社区的1604个样本为研究数据,以男女性居民的出行基本特征差异为基础,重点研究表征出行活动权利和生活质量的“出行目的”,以此解释家庭生活中存在的隐性不平等现象,并通过建立多项logistic模型,探讨造成女性居民出行目的差异的影响因素。结果显示：广州男女性居民在出行率、出行时耗、出行时间分布等基本出行特征方面差异不大,但出行目的结构却存在明显差异,这种差异揭示了隐性的性别休闲活动机会与权利的不平等现象;同时,这种性别不平等现象在不同女性群体内部存在一定的差异,主要体现在不同的个人属性及家庭结构上;而在建成环境因素中,用地混合度、建筑密度、POI密度和公交站点密度低的社区,工作日女性居民的出行目的更多受限于责任性的家务活动;在休息日,用地混合度、POI密度和商业可达性低的社区,女性居民的出行目的也更显著地指向家务活动,建成环境因素可能会进一步加剧日常出行中的性别不平等现象。研究结论为优化土地利用结构,为女性群体创造平等的出行空间和公共服务提供政策参考。

关键词： 日常出行; 出行目的; 女性主义; 广州

本文引用格式

何嘉明 , 周素红 , 谢雪梅 . 女性主义地理学视角下的广州女性居民日常出行目的及影响因素[J]. 地理研究, 2017 , 36(6) : 1053 -1064 . DOI: 10.11821/dlyj201706005

Abstract

Gender equity and women's quality of everyday life has always been an important issue in the field of feminist geography. In the perspective of individual daily travel, most of the present studies on gender differences are confined to the statistical description of various travel characteristics. However, there is lack of research on travel purpose that directly reveals the essence of inequality of labor division between female and male in a family, especially for the daily travel purpose structure, including subsistence activity, maintenance activity and recreation activity, which is closely related to women's travel activity right and the quality of life. Previous research on the influencing factors of women's travel activities mainly focused on the personal and family attributes, but lacked of consideration of the built environment in different communities. As such, based on the gender differences of daily travel characteristics, this paper concentrates on the travel purpose and explores the inequalities existing in family life. A total of 1604 resident samples in 18 communities in Guangzhou are selected as research data. A multinomial logistic model is used to examine the influencing factors of female's travel purposes, including individual attributes, family attributes and the built environment attributes in their residential communities. The results show that there is no significant gender difference in terms of daily travel activities such as travel rate, travel time, and departure time distribution. However, the structure of travel purposes is obviously different between female and male. And the significant factors that affect the female residents' travel purpose structure include "age", "educational level", "family structure", "whether they have 0-6 years old children". Moreover, some built environment factors are also significantly associated with the female's travel purpose. On weekdays, for those who live in low POI density or low public transport facility density communities, their travel purposes are more likely to be restricted to maintenance housework activities. And on the rest days, in low construction density, POI density, commercial accessibility or insufficient public transport facility communities, female residents' travel purposes are similarly confined to responsible daily activities, but with less recreational travel opportunities. This study could shed light on the formation of equal travel space for the female group, and provide beneficial implications for the optimization of the land use structure and adequate public infrastructure services in communities concerning women's quality of life.

Key words： daily travel; travel purpose; feminist; Guangzhou

1 引言

男性和女性的行为空间权利不平等是社会发展过程中普遍存在的现象,也是女性主义地理学长期关注的热点问题。早在20世纪70年代女权运动的背景下,西方人本主义地理学中已经出现女性主义的研究,开始重视女性独特经验的性别主义取向,其根本目的在于改善女性的生活状况,使女性享有与男性平等的机会,消除日常工作和家庭生活中的不平等现象[1]。因此西方早期的女性主义地理研究也更多聚焦在一些尖锐的社会性别矛盾话题上,如女性的政治权利、工作权利、受教育权、薪酬差异、家庭暴力、健康安全等显性问题[2-4]。而时至今天,这类显性的不平等现象在西方社会已经逐步减少,要求解决工资不平等或者家庭暴力的抗议游行几乎没有,不再成为紧迫性的政治议题,女性主义地理学的研究也有了多元化的发展流派和理论框架[5]。一方面,既有专注于研究不同特殊女性群体的权利问题,如同性恋[6]、地缘政治中的移民女性[7]、城乡差异语境下的农村妇女[8]等。不同年龄、民族、阶层和宗教信仰等女性群体的公平性也受到较多的关注;而另一方面,不少女性主义地理学者在传统的社会性别角色的话题上继续进行深入的探讨,更多地关注日常工作和生活当中潜在的不平等待遇,目的在于改善不同空间范畴中女性的生活质量。其主流观点认为,在新自由主义经济背景下,尽管越来越多的成年女性进入到就业空间,承担着与男性同样的社会工作责任[9],却无法对传统的性别秩序进行重构,相反却催生出了新的不平等话题。女性在工作之余,仍然承担着最主要的家庭劳务责任,休闲时间和活动的比例都要远低于男性[10]。这种隐性的不平等现象也直接反映在日常出行当中,家庭的劳务责任让女性对通勤时耗变得敏感而焦虑,女性不得不通过缩短通勤距离来获取更多的非工作出行时间[11],出行模式与出行链也由于夹杂着照顾孩子以及日常购物等劳务活动而变得更为复杂,活动范围也受到更多的限制[12]。即便是家庭成员一起外出进行休闲活动,女性也更多地负责出行前的组织,准备食物,收拾行李等[13],休闲活动的质量也因此受到影响。可以说,在社会工作重担下,这种日常出行活动当中的家庭劳务责任分配不平等,直接压缩了女性私人可支配的闲暇活动时间,不仅削减了女性休闲娱乐活动的机会和权利,还会对女性生活质量和满足自我价值实现产生消极的影响,这也成为西方社会性别角色不平等的主要表现和价值判断[14]。
在中国,传统社会的发展一直由男性主导,“男主外,女主内”的性别分工思想也一直延续到今日。尽管在工业化的进程下,新社会劳动分工使得女性也要外出工作,但夫权文化的深远影响使得女性仍然要在工作、家务劳动和照顾孩子之间取得平衡。这种家庭责任的思维也直接反映在出行行为上。在20世纪90年代,国内城市地理开始了女性主义视角的研究,开始关注城市居民日常出行活动的性别差异,柴彦威等认为,女性和男性居民在出行的时空间结构上存在较大差异,性别化的行为空间开始显化[15]。此后的一些实证研究也表明,女性的出行行为和特征与男性存在较为明显的差异,这种差异受到其个人、家庭经济和社会背景等因素的影响[16-19]。但总体而言,国内从日常出行的视角对性别差异的研究大多停留在出行特征上的描述统计,出行强度、次数、时耗、距离等方面的简单统计并不能直观反映两性在社会生活或家庭分工方面的差异,更无法揭示其中隐含的行为空间不平等问题。然而,出行目的能直接反映出家庭的劳务分工,工作型、家庭劳务型和休闲娱乐型的目的结构对审视女性活动权利和生活质量有着直接的作用,但在这方面鲜有研究。
另外,已有对女性日常出行的影响因素主要从个体、家庭、职业等基本属性方面进行探讨,缺乏对女性居民所处社区的建成环境的具体考量。国外的研究表明,社区作为居民日常出行的中心,其活动空间背景的不确定性会影响居民的出行活动[20]。Ewing等认为,出行频率、出行距离和出行方式除了受个人社会属性影响外,还受到建成环境的影响[21,22],对女性而言,外部的城市建设环境中存在的隐性问题很可能会压抑女性的出行活动和体验[23],公共空间中潜在的性别骚扰和暴力会损害女性的活动权利,因此女性的日常出行更关注建成空间的安全性、舒适性以及公共服务设施的质量[24]。而国内学者近年的研究也分析过道路交通、土地利用和出行方式之间的关系[25-27],同样印证了不同建设密度、土地利用混合度等建成环境因素会对居民出行行为产生不同的作用。遗憾的是,国内已有的建成环境对出行的影响研究大多是性别盲的研究,忽视了性别因素差异下人地关系对女性空间行为和感官体验造成的影响[28]。由于男女性居民的出行特征存在差异,个人家庭属性和建成环境当中的各种潜在因素是否会对女性的出行目的结构造成限制?日常出行目的结构的差异又反映出怎样的隐性不平等现象?这些问题仍需要进行深入地探讨。
基于此,以广州市为例,借助女性主义地理学的基本研究视角,以男女性居民的出行基本特征差异为基础,重点关注表征出行活动权利和生活质量的“出行目的”,通过发现男女性出行目的结构的差异来揭示家庭社会生活中存在的不平等现象,并通过建立多项logistic模型进一步研究不同出行目的背后的影响因素。研究分析在传统的个人和家庭社会属性基础上,加入建成环境的变量,探讨不同社区环境对女性居民出行带来的影响。这对转型背景下中国如何应对隐性社会性别不公,满足女性出行需求,创造平等的出行空间等方面提供理论依据。

2 研究方法与数据来源

2.1 研究区概况

数据来源于2013年4-6月针对广州市居民日常出行活动的入户问卷调查。调研社区的选取充分考虑了典型性和代表性,在广州市辖区范围内（除增城、从化、南沙以外）,基于SPSS统计分析软件和主成分分析,结合第六次人口普查数据,对各街道单位进行五大类社会区划分,分别代表了旧城旧机关社区、商业社区、高教育旧单位社区和近郊住宅区和远郊住宅社区,并选择这五类社区中相关主因子得分排序靠前的街道,最终得出社会区特征值最突出的12个街道内的18个社区作为入户问卷调查的样本社区（图1）。
Fig. 1 Spatial distribution of the research communities in Guangzhou

图1 调研社区在广州市的区位分布

本次调查总计回收有效问卷1604份,被调查家庭1332个,受访者年龄介于12~75岁,18岁以下未成年人16位,占问卷总数的1.0%。从性别构成来看,男性居民660位,女性居民994位,男性和女性的比例分别占41.15%和58.85%。本文研究的居民日常出行活动数据通过问卷调查获取,每一位被调查者除了填写个人和家庭基本信息外,还详细记录了最近一个工作日和休息日主要出行活动的时间、地点、出行目的等。

2.2 研究方法

根据入户问卷调查获取的数据,分别从工作日与休息日两个维度对男女性居民在出行时耗、频率、时间分布、出行目的等方面的进行统计,分析男性和女性的出行基本特征差异,并重点对表征家庭分工和生活质量的出行目的结构进行分析。
为进一步刻画男女性居民在日常出行目的中存在的差异,参考Golob等的出行活动分类方式,根据出行目的需求将出行活动划分为以下三类：① 跟工作相关的生存性需求活动（subsistence activities）包括上班通勤,公务业务,以及上学（以下简称工作活动）;② 以家务劳动为核心的维护性和责任性活动（maintenance activities）,包括日常满足家庭需求的买菜、日常用品购物、接送孩子等（以下简称家务活动）;③ 休闲类活动（recreation activities）,包括文体娱乐活动、探亲访友、外出吃饭和旅游度假等（以下简称休闲类活动）[29,30]。根据调查日志中日常出行的目的,详细分析男女性居民日常出行活动目的中存在的差异,揭示其中可能存在的不平等现象。最后,应用多项logistic回归模型,定量分析造成女性居民出行活动目的结构差异的影响因素。根据研究的结果,探讨日常出行性别差异背后的社会隐喻,为满足女性出行需求,创造平等的出行空间提供理论依据。

3 居民日常出行基本特征的性别差异

3.1 出行基本特征

出行率是用来衡量居民出行频率的重要指标。问卷数据显示,工作日男性的出行率为3.65次/天,女性的出行率为3.81次/天;而在休息日中,男性的出行率为2.94次/天,女性的出行率为3.22次/天。可看出女性的出行率略高于男性,但差异并不显著（表1）。
Tab. 1 Gender differences in the average travel rate, distance and time of residents' working days and the rest days

表1 居民工作日、休息日出行的平均出行率、距离和时耗的性别差异

工作日 休息日
性别 出行率(次/天) 出行距离(km) 出行时耗(min) 出行率(次/天) 出行距离(km) 出行时耗(min)
女性 3.81 7.69 18.92 3.22 6.26 17.51
男性 3.65 9.25 20.56 2.94 7.07 19.85
从出行距离来看,工作日女性的平均出行距离为7.69 km,男性为9.25 km;休息日女性出行平均距离为6.26 km,男性为7.07 km。可以看出,休息日的出行距离普遍短于工作日的出行距离,这与工作日居民通勤产生的距离有关。从性别差异的角度来看,女性出行距离在工作日和休息日都略短于男性,休息日的差异并不明显,工作日的差异相对显著,可以反映女性的通勤距离短于男性。出行距离的差异也相应的体现在出行时耗上,从单次出行的平均时耗上,男性在工作日和休息日都略多于女性,但差异不明显。
从出行时间分布看,男女性在工作日的出行时间具有一致性,均呈“三峰状”,即早高峰7:00-8:00,午高峰12:00-13:00,晚高峰17:00-18:00,分别对应着上学上班高峰、外出午间用餐高峰、放学下班高峰（图2a）。在休息日,女性出行早高峰开始于8:00-9:00,男性出行高峰开始于9:00-10:00,分布上略晚于女性,其他时间基本趋于一致（图2b）。
Fig. 2 Gender differences of travel time distribution on working days (a) and the rest days (b)

图2 男女性出行时间分布

3.2 出行目的

基于调查问卷当中的个人出行日志调查,将被调查者所有的单次出行活动抽取出来,共获取6781条有效活动出行数据,其中工作日为4123条,休息日为2658条。根据所有单次出行的主目的分类归纳为工作活动目的、家务活动目的和休闲活动目的三类。
从出行目的的比例结构上看,工作日中,男性和女性的工作活动的比例趋于一致,分别为68.53%与67.65%,可见广州女性居民进入职场,承担着与男性同样的社会工作责任。然而在家务活动和休闲活动当中,男性和女性的出行目的仍然存在非常明显的差异,以购物（买菜、买日用品和耐用品）、接送孩子为代表的家务性出行活动中,工作日中男性的比例仅为7.88%,而女性则达到19.41%,将近男性的三倍。休息日中这样的差异也同样明显,男性的以家务活动为出行目的的比例为32.79%,女性则达到56.24%,高出将近25个百分点。再从以文体娱乐、探亲访友、外出吃饭、旅游度假为代表的休闲活动的出行比例来看,工作日,男性的休闲活动出行比例为23.59%,女性的比例则为12.94%,仅为男性的一半;休息日男性的休闲出行比例达到65.10%,同样远远超于女性的休闲出行比例（图3）。
Fig. 3 Gender differences of travel purpose structure

图3 男女性出行目的比例结构图

归纳而言,相比于国内以往的研究[16,31],日常活动在出行频率、时间、出行距离等指标所反映的出行基本特征上,男女性居民所表现出的差异在缩小。但在表面貌似一致的出行强度和时间分布的背后,却表现出较为明显的出行目的结构差异,女性居民以家务劳动为核心的维护性和责任性活动的比例明显更高。特别是在工作之余,传统的家庭社会分工明显存在,买菜、购物等维持性的家庭劳务职能仍主要由女性承担,而在休闲出行活动所代表的享受型生活方面,男女性表现出的差异同样突显出社会生活中的不平等现象。
遗憾的是,以往的研究基本停留在出行特征的分析上,缺乏对表征女性生活质量的“出行目的”的深入解构。本文将针对女性的出行目的进行深入探讨,分析不同出行目的类型所受到的个人、家庭和社区建成环境等方面的影响因素,从而揭示女性居民的出行需求,为中国社区规划及公共政策提供科学参考。

4 居民出行目的影响因素的性别差异

4.1 变量选取

在多项logistic模型中,出行目的的决策集为Y={工作活动,家务活动,休闲活动},三种类型的出行目的分别代表了工作型、家庭型以及生活享受型的出行活动,直接反映出两性居民的生活质量。
该模型中,解释变量包括个人属性、家庭属性,以及所处社区的建成环境属性三大类。具体选择的变量为：个人基本属性选取年龄、文化程度、就业状况作为自变量;家庭基本属性则选取家庭构成（单身、一对夫妇、单亲带小孩、一对夫妇带小孩、三代人家庭、其他类型）和孩子年龄（是否拥有0~6岁、7~12岁、13~18岁的孩子）作为自变量;社区建成环境属性参考Ewing等[21,32]提出的建成环境变量指标,对样本每次出行地点周边的建成环境变量进行多维度量化评估,分别考虑出发点周边的建设密度、用地多样性、商圈可达性、公共交通可达性等维度,对应选取了六个方面的建成环境指标：根据全国第六次人口普查数据及谷歌航拍图计算容积率和建筑密度;采用广州市土地利用数据计算用地混合度;根据广州市兴趣点Point of Interest（POI）数据计算出发点周边1000 m范围内的POI密度,包括工作、居住、交通、餐饮、商业、休闲娱乐、学校、公共服务设施等类型点;计算出发点到周边最近的三个商业区的距离来衡量商业可达性;公交站点密度则依据广州市公交系统信息,计算出发点周边1000 m范围内公交车站点的密度值[32-35]。
模型采用SPSS 19.0统计软件进行数据计算,通过多项logistic回归模型探讨不同类型的个体、家庭和建成环境属性,对女性主要出行目的类型的影响因素进行探讨。

4.2 工作日两性居民出行目的影响因素

模型1和模型2（表2）分别为对女性和男性群体在工作日出行活动的logistic 回归分析,从两模型的拟合信息看,比较仅有截距的无效模型和最终模型,-2倍对数似然值都下降,似然比卡方检验结果P<0.01,模型的整体显著性为0.000,说明两个回归模型拟合程度较好。
Tab. 2 The results of multinomial logistic model of Guangzhou residents' daily travel on working days (Recreation activities purpose as the reference category)

表2 工作日广州居民出行目的多项逻辑模型回归结果（以休闲出行目的为参照）

模型1：女性工作日出行活动目的 模型2：男性工作日出行活动目的
工作活动目的 家务活动目的 工作活动目的 家务活动目的
年龄 1=1~18岁 0.355** -2.561 0.887** 0.008
2=19~30岁 0.468* 0.523 1.052** -0.808
3=31~45岁 0.835** 1.223*** 2.128*** -0.691
4=46~55岁 0.757** 1.386** 1.295*** -0.097
5=55岁以上 0b 0b 0b 0b
文化程度 1=初中以下 -0.690 2.840** 0.333 -0.652
2=高中（中专、职高） -0.826 1.756** 1.261* 0.454
3=大学本科（大专） -0.773 1.317 0.030 0.202
4=研究生以上 0b 0b 0b 0b
就业 1=全职 2.526*** 1.572*** 0.423*** -0.881*
2=兼职 1.024* 0.544 -0.625 -0.353
3=无工作 0b 0b 0b 0b
家庭构成 1=单身 -0.203 0.185 -0.219 0.272
2=一对夫妇 1.326 0.362 0.460 0.783*
3=单亲带小孩 17.631*** 9.589***
4=一对夫妇带小孩 -0.585 0.768* 0.141 0.095
5=三代人家庭 -0.419 0.015 0.267 -0.245
6=其他 0b 0b 0b 0b
孩子年龄 1=有0~6岁小孩 -0.205 0.558** -0.120 -0.409
2=有7~12岁小孩 -0.264 0.367 -0.901 -0.342
3=有13~18岁小孩 -0.165 -0.227 0.143 -0.125
建成环境 容积率 -0.09 0.039 -0.096** -0.110
建筑密度 -0.012* -0.625*** -0.014* -0.013
用地混合度 -0.668** -0.765** -0.190 0.077
POI密度 0.324*** 0.089** 0.521** -0.424*
商业可达性 1.062 0.187 0.157 0.152
公交站点密度 0.009 -3.025** -0.009 -0.007
截距 3.221 1.348 2.079 0.956

注：*、**、***分别为在10%、5%、1%的显著程度上通过检验;b表示因为参数冗余,将其设为零。

工作日结果显示,在个人基本属性中,年龄因素对女性的出行目的影响较为显著,以“休闲出行活动目的”作为参照组,年龄在19~30岁、31~45岁、46~55岁几个组别的两性居民均以工作活动为主要的出行目的,而在家务活动中,31~45岁和46~55岁两个组别的女性以家务活动为出行目的的显著性也很高;文化程度因素也较为显著,以研究生以上学历水平为参照组,文化程度为初中以下和高中两个组别的女性,家务型出行目的比例明显更高,与休闲活动目的的概率发生比EXP（B）达到8.31和10.42,也就是说,文化程度较低的女性,其出行目的更可能以家庭劳务类型为主,而男性并不显著;就业因素中,以无职业女性为参照组,全职女性以工作活动和家务活动为主目的比例很高,概率发生比分别为11.05和4.72,说明全职女性的日常出行活动除了工作以外,主要以家务活动为主,而男性的检验中,全职男士的工作活动非常显著,但家务活动则呈负相关关系;家庭构成因素中,单亲带小孩家庭的女性任务最为沉重,除了工作和家务外,几乎没有休闲活动,而对“一对夫妇带小孩”的三口之家而言,家务出行责任也更多地由女性所负担,这在“拥有0~6岁孩子”的家庭中最为显著。
对于建成环境因素,以休闲活动目的为参照组,建筑密度、用地混合度及公交站点密度越高的社区,女性居民以家务劳动为出行目的的可能性更低。可能的解释是,大部分居民在工作日受到职业活动和日常家务劳动的限制,外出娱乐活动的时间和空间弹性会受到明显压缩。结合问卷中女性出行方式的调查数据来看,工作日女性居民72%的日常出行是通过步行或自行车完成,这些出行活动距离较短,空间上明显受限于出发点附近。而在这活动范围内,较高的建筑密度和用地混合度增加不同类型活动空间的集聚,为近距离出行活动提供更多的机会和选择,女性居民的社会活动需求也能在较小的空间范围内得到满足。另外,女性长距离的出行更多依赖于公共交通,约占出行活动次数的20%。对于居住在郊区的女性居民而言,面对公交站点密度较低,休闲活动空间不足的状况,其外出娱乐活动的时间成本会更高,短距离的活动目的更可能是以买菜,接送孩子等家务活动为主。而男性由于家庭分工或者出行方式上的差异,其受到的约束则更少,在这些建成环境的影响中显著性更低。

4.3 休息日广州居民出行目的影响因素

对于休息日的logistic 回归模型,从模型3和模型4的拟合信息看,在似然比检验中比较仅有截距的无效模型和最终模型,-2倍对数似然值均下降,似然比卡方检验结果P<0.01,模型的整体显著性都为0.000,说明两个回归模型有效。
休息日结果显示（表3）,年龄、文化程度、家庭构成等因素对女性出行目的影响较为显著,以“休闲出行活动目的”作为因变量参照组,女性31~45岁组别较为显著,家务型与休闲型出行概率比exp(B)为1.95,说明30~45岁的女性则明显表现出为家庭事务操心的出行特性,而男性为19~30年龄段较为显著,且工作活动和家务活动系数均为负值,说明都以娱乐活动出行为主;学历方面,文化程度为大学本科（大专）以上,家务型出行比例明显比休闲型出行比例要低,概率发生比为0.216,说明文化程度高的女性,周末的出行目的更可能以休闲娱乐为主;家庭结构方面,“一对夫妇带小孩”家庭以及单亲女性也大多将周末的出行时间贡献给家庭,休闲娱乐时间被压缩,“拥有0~6岁小孩”的组别当家庭中较为显著,说明该部分女性群体周末出行以家务劳动为主。
Tab. 3 The results of multinomial logistic model of Guangzhou residents' daily travel on the rest days (Recreation activities purpose as the reference category)

表3 休息日广州居民出行目的多项逻辑模型回归结果（以休闲出行目的为参照）

模型3：女性休息日出行活动目的 模型4：男性休息日出行活动目的
工作活动目的 家务活动目的 工作活动目的 家务活动目的
年龄 1=1~18岁 -0.130 -2.738* 0.269 -2.502*
2=19~30岁 -1.199 -0.408 -1.594* -1.381*
3=31~45岁 -1.719 0.568** -0.552 0.054
4=46~55岁 -2.364* 0.170 0.496 0.216
5=55岁以上 0b 0b 0b 0b
文化程度 1=初中以下 14.951 -0.564 0.521 0.000
2=高中（中专、职高） 15.844 -0.733* -0.397 -0.141
3=大学本科（大专） 15.066 -1.848** -1.827 -0.149
4=研究生以上 0b 0b 0b 0b
就业 1=全职 15.420 0.370 13.454 0.337
2=兼职 17.331 0.248 0.208 1.114
3=无工作 0b 0b 0b 0b
家庭构成 1=单身 -15.908 0.178 2.208 -0.159
2=一对夫妇 0.539 0.530 1.304*** -0.020
3=单亲带小孩 -15.240 1.038**
4=一对夫妇带小孩 0.706 0.724* 2.191 0.347*
5=三代人家庭 0.463 0.317 1.724 0.021
6=其他 0b 0b 0b 0b
孩子年龄 1=有0~6岁小孩 1.160 1.106* -0.258 0.238
2=有7~12岁小孩 -1.725** 0.004 1.219 0.264
3=有13~18岁小孩 15.979 -0.180 -0.422 -0.274
建成环境 容积率 -0.212 0.025 -0.593** 0.056
建筑密度 -0.001 0.005 0.008 -0.006
用地混合度 -0.156 -1.504** 0.043 0.173
POI密度 -0.207 -0.728*** -0.010 -0.021***
商业可达性 0.892 -0.067* 0.552 0.492
公交站点密度 -3.061 -2.004* -0.293 0.005
截距 -18.168 2.353 -21.328 -0.202

注：*、**、***分别为在10%、5%、1%的显著水平上通过检验;b表示因为参数冗余,将其设为零。

对于建成环境,以休闲活动目的为参照,公交站点密度和商业可达性密度低的社区,女性居民以家务劳动为出行目的的可能性更高,休闲活动出行比例更低。可能的解释是,休息日居民受到的工作限制较少,出行活动的时间弹性比工作日更高,但仍然会受到生活空间的约束。休息日女性约73%的出行活动是通过步行或自行车完成,约19%的出行活动通过公共交通完成,长距离的私人小汽车出行的比例很低,可见休息日女性的出行空间仍主要集中在出行起点附近。而POI密度、用地混合度及商业可达性方面的差异,直接反映出休闲活动设施空间布局的均衡性和可达性,这也成为影响女性出行目的选择的重要因素。对于用地类型单一,商业可达性不高的建成区而言,女性居民就近外出娱乐活动的选择性较少,往往需要经历更长的出行距离,耗费更多的时间成本才满足不同方面的生活需求。因此,公交站点密度低的地区很可能对女性的休闲活动产生机会剥夺和空间限制,这对于每天需要兼顾日常家务和照顾孩子而耗费大量时间的女性来说影响较大。出行限制和家庭责任带来的双重不公平使得该女性群体要更多地为家庭牺牲,并最终折射出其较低的生活质量。

5 结论与讨论

女性日常活动的权利平等是女性主义地理研究关注的重要议题。以男女性居民的出行基本特征差异为基础,通过对表征出行活动权利和生活质量的“出行目的”进行探讨,以此揭示家庭生活中存在的不平等现象,主要结论有：
（1）出行目的结构差异揭示了隐性的性别休闲活动机会与权利的不平等现象。尽管传统研究所探讨的出行率、出行时耗、出行时间分布等基本特征方面,广州男女性居民并没有表现出明显的差异。绝大部分女性和男性一样,在社会职业空间中实现了性别角色的重构。然而不能由此忽视了出行目的层面上潜在的不平等现象。男性在工作之余,出行目的以吃饭、娱乐、访友等休闲性的活动为主,而女性除了职业工作外,其日常活动目的则更明显地受制于以家庭为核心的劳务分工。这种家庭劳务责任分配不平等,直接压缩了女性私人可支配的闲暇活动时间和空间,不仅削减了女性休闲娱乐活动的机会和权利,还会对女性生活质量和满足自我价值的实现产生消极影响。
（2）出行目的结构所反映的性别不平等现象在不同女性群体内部会存在一定的差异,主要体现在不同的个人属性及家庭结构上。中老年的女性以及文化程度低的女性往往由于肩负更多的家务劳动而降低了生活质量。而家庭结构方面,“一对夫妇带小孩”家庭中,女性家长的出行活动受到更多的影响。一方面,职业女性在工作之余需要耗费大量的时间在繁琐的家务活动和照顾孩子上,使得女性的出行链和出行模式更为复杂,在上下班出行途中往往还会同时链接多项家务活动,从而在有限的时间内完成更多的非工作出行,节约出宝贵的时间来维护家庭。而另一方面,由于幼龄儿童缺乏自我保护能力,特别是对于照顾0~6岁孩子的家庭而言,为了满足孩子的外出活动需求,家长也不得不牺牲个人时间进行外出全程陪护。从问卷的数据看,这类出行陪护任务也大多落在女性家长的肩上,对于缺乏老一辈支持的“一对夫妇带小孩”家庭甚至是没有丈夫支持的女性单亲家庭而言则更为显著。这也直接导致了这两类家庭女性休闲娱乐的时间不足,其生活质量和出行活动的权利也受到隐性的损害。
（3）建成环境因素可能会进一步加剧日常出行生活中的性别不平等现象。模型结果表明,对于用地类型单一,商业可达性不高,公共交通设施不足的建成区而言,女性居民进行自我身心调节的闲暇活动会受到更多的限制。由于女性的活动距离较短,活动出行链更复杂,对公共交通的依赖程度也更高,休闲活动空间布局的均衡性和可达性会直接影响到女性出行目的选择：是长期束缚于以家庭为原点的劳务活动,还是在工作之余能便捷地享受多元的娱乐休闲生活。而这种出行活动公平性的问题,在某些公交系统不完善,土地利用类型单一的郊区社区中表现更为突出,客观上对女性的休闲活动造成机会剥夺和空间限制。出行限制和家庭责任带来的双重不公平使得该女性群体要更多地为家庭牺牲,并最终折射出其较低的生活质量。
女性主义地理研究的意义和价值在于揭示城市社会空间当中的不平等现象,最终提高女性居民的生活质量,满足自我价值实现,实现真正意义上的性别平等。女性群体由于生理机能和心理特征的不同,加上家庭责任等方面的影响,在出行空间感知和活动环境方面存在特殊的需求,需要在空间规划、制定城市政策、完善社区公共服务配置等方面摆脱性别盲的传统思维,使性别平等成为社会政策制定中的常态意识,为女性出行提供更公平的生活和出行环境。例如,居民点的步行范围内增加公园、广场、绿道等安全便捷的公共活动场所。对于建设密度低,商业可达性较低的社区,一方面需要更加合理地配置商业娱乐等公共服务设施,另一方面也要提高公共交通站点的覆盖率,为女性群体日常出行活动提供更平等的机会与选择。
比起西方社会,女性主义视角的地理研究在中国起步较晚,理论探讨和实践也较为局限,没能跟上社会经济制度快速转型的步伐。随着城市化和工业化的发展,大量女性投身社会就业岗位,男女双方的经济依赖关系已经在社会生产当中发生改变。但是这种经济社会的快速转型尚未对传统社会性别角色产生根本上的影响。尽管显性的性别差异与歧视在逐步减少,但社会生活中隐性的不公平仍普遍存在,不同女性群体背后的活动需求、心理健康、场所体验等隐性的公平性问题探讨依然任重而道远。
此外,女性主义地理在国内独特的社会语境下,仍有很多重要的问题存在,需要从地理学的角度进行揭示。例如,城乡区域差异背景下的农村女性权益,社会阶层分化下的女性公平,居住空间分异的女性需求,长者、孕妇、单亲、残疾、孤寡等特殊女性群体的空间平等问题,同样迫切需要地理学进行深入研究,为缺乏政治话语权的弱势群体发声,维护城市社会空间的公平和正义,而这也将是未来中国女性主义地理发展的重要趋势。

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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Johnson L.Feminist geography 30 years on: They came, they saw but did they conquer?. Geographical Research, 2012, 50(4): 345-355.Feminist geography emerged in Australia in the 1980s, spurred on by the local Women's Liberation Movement and inspired by the academic activism emanating from England, Canada, and the United States. Producing critical evaluations of male-dominated geography departments, curriculum, and journals, feminist geographers proceeded to stake claims in each of these spheres while also substantially revising the content of geographical research. There were significant interventions into urban, social, cultural, and economic geography and in environmental discourses, as well as into the gendered research process. Having arrived, identified, and addressed these issues, the discipline was critiqued and transformed over the 1980s and 1990s. Crucial to the strength of this critique were key individuals, the Gender and Geography Group within the Institute of Australian Geographers, and the role played by journals such as Geographical Research and the Australian Geographer in providing spaces for feminist work. However, as the new century dawned, the agenda changed and the anger and urgency dissipated as the broader and university contexts altered. It was a period of consolidation, as feminist insights and approaches were focused on key subject areas – such as the home, identity, and sexuality – and became more mainstream. However, is this work and the presence of women in the academy an indication of success or of co-option? This paper will trace these various shifts – from the arrival to the mainstreaming of feminist geography – and analyse what might be read as a retreat from feminist politics and practice within the discipline in Australia. I will conclude by re-stating the case to advance a new feminist agenda in the face of continuing gender inequality within the academy, in Australia, and across the globe.

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[6]
Browne K, Lim J.Trans lives in the 'gay capital of the UK'. Gender Place & Culture A Journal of Feminist Geography, 2010, 17(5): 615-633.Recent geographical interventions have begun to question the power relations among lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans people, challenging assumptions that LGBT communities have homogeneous needs or are not characterised by hierarchies of power. Such interventions have included examinations of LGBT scenes as sites of exclusion for trans people. This article augments academic explorations of trans lives by focusing on ‘the gay capital’ of the UK, Brighton & Hove, a city that is notably absent from academic discussions of gay urbanities in the UK, despite its wider acclaim. The article draws upon Count Me In Too (CMIT), a participatory action research project that seeks to progress social change for LGBT people in Brighton & Hove. Rather than focusing on LGBT scenes, the article addresses broader experiences of the city, including those relating to the city as a political entity that seeks to be ‘LGBT inclusive’ and those relating to the geographies of medical ‘treatment’ that relocate trans people outside the boundaries of the city, specifically to the gender identity clinic at Charing Cross Hospital in London. It argues that trans lives are both excluded from and inextricably linked to geographical imaginings of the ‘gay capital’, including LGBT spaces, scenes and activism, such that complex sexual and gender solidarities are simultaneously created and contested. In this way, the article recognises the paradoxes of the hopes and solidarities that co-exist – and should be held in tension – with experiences of marginalisation.

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[7]
Conlon D.Waiting: Feminist perspectives on the spacings/timings of migrant (im)mobility. Gender, Place & Culture, 2011, 18(3): 353-360.Waiting is a banal and ubiquitous practice that is linked in myriad ways to mobility and (im)mobility in the contemporary era. Yet, to date, experiences of waiting have received scant conceptual and/or research attention among scholars. Introducing a themed section of Gender, Place and Culture, this article highlights how a focus on temporal and spatial encounters with waiting and (im)mobility among migrants extends established areas of interest among feminist geographers and related interdisciplinary scholars while also augmenting scholarship in mobility studies. Key themes are introduced. These include attention to the ways waiting is imbricated with regional and international geopolitics and analyses of waiting as an active practice that involves reflection, incorporation into, as well as resistance within, the everyday spaces that migrants encounter. With an emphasis on how contributions to this themed section speak from or to a range of feminist concerns, this introduction suggests that the intersection of feminist perspectives and mobility studies engages valuable new research questions and offers possibilities for crucial insights into migrant encounters with the spacings/timings of (im)mobility.

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[8]
Little J, Panelli R.Gender research in rural geography. Gender, Place & Culture, A Journal of Feminist Geography, 2010, 10(3): 281-289.

[9]
Smith F, Wainwright E, Buckingham S, et al.Women, work-life balance and quality of life: Case studies from the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland. Gender, Place & Culture, 2011, 18(5): 603-610.In this editorial we introduce the key themes explored by the articles that make up this themed section on ‘Women, work–life balance and quality of life’. As a collection, the articles emphasise the complexity of trying to define what work–life balance means to different groups of men and women in three locales (Bristol, West London and Dublin), highlighting that trying to attribute meaning to this concept is at the very least problematic. They do, however, paint a picture of persistent gendered inequality. Within the context of neo-liberal economic policy ‘encouraging’ women to take up paid work and training, it is still women rather than men who continue to be responsible for the tasks of social reproduction. The concept of work–life balance ignores the often blurred and ultimately socially constructed nature of what counts as work and what does not and tends to mask the large amount of reproductive work performed by women in the private sphere. Moreover, the research presented here makes clear that contours of power and powerful relations run through the conceptualisation of work–life balance as well as its practice and promotion by government, organisations and individuals.

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[10]
Dawn E, Susan M.Changing family life in the rural context: Women's perspectives of family leisure on the farm. Leisure Sciences, 2009, 31(5): 434-449.This paper examines the social meanings of rural life and how these meanings shape farm women's perspectives and experiences of family leisure. Based on qualitative interviews with a purposively selected group of farm women in Canada, the findings call attention to the values related to the social and physical context of family leisure activities on the farm and the integration of work, family and leisure. The role of leisure as a medium to remain connected to their rural heritage while preparing children for a nonfarming way of life was also significant. Emphasis is placed on the contradictory nature of family leisure and how family leisure is a window into the broader social, political and economic changes affecting rural farm life.

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[11]
Roberts J, Hodgson R, Dolan P.It's driving her mad: Gender differences in the effects of commuting on psychological health. Journal of Health Economics, 2011, 30(5): 1064-1076.Commuting is an important component of time use for most working people. We explore the effects of commuting time on the psychological health of men and women. We use data from the British Household Panel Survey in a fixed effects framework that includes variables known to determine psychological health, as well as factors which may provide compensation for commuting such as income, job satisfaction and housing quality. Our results show that, even after these variables are considered, commuting has an important detrimental effect on the psychological health of women, but not men, and this result is robust to numerous different specifications. We explore explanations for this gender difference and can find no evidence that it is due to women's shorter working hours or weaker occupational position. Rather women's greater sensitivity to commuting time seems to be a result of their larger responsibility for day-to-day household tasks, including childcare and housework. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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[12]
Duchene C.Gender and transport. International Transport Forum Discussion Papers, 2011, 42(2-4): 389-454.

[13]
Horna J.The family and leisure domains: Women's involvement and perceptions. World Leisure & Recreation, 1991, 33(3): 11-14.It is widely accepted that perceived freedom, or at least absence of constraints and obligations, as well as intrinsic motivation and enjoyment, constitute essential components of leisure experience. The purpose of this paper is to briefly summarize major previous findings and to present further evidence regarding the dual gender asymmetry of participation and perceptions as they pertain to wom...

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[14]
Hochschild A R, Machung A.The Second Shift: Working Families and the Revolution at Home. USA: Penguin, 2012.She is not the same woman in each magazine advertisement, but she is the same idea. She has that workingmother look as she strides forward, briefcase in one hand, smiling child in the other. Literally and figuratively, she is moving ahead. Her hair, if long, tosses behind

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[15]
柴彦威, 翁桂兰, 刘志林. 中国城市女性居民行为空间研究的女性主义视角. 人文地理, 2003, 18(4): 1-4.在以人为本、重视差异性等后现代思潮的大背景下,基于女性主义视 角的西方城市女性居民行为空间的研究有了长足的发展.中国城市中的女性群体,作为城市社会中的一个重要亚群体单元,在改革开放后经历着重大变化的同时也面 临着新的挑战,对中国城市女性居民行为空间的女性主义研究已悄然起步,今后的研究视角不仅要关注女性自身的特点及其与男性的对比,而且更要重视女性内部的 差异性以及城市内部和城市之间的比较.

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[Chai Yanwei, Weng Guilan, Liu Zhilin.Feminist geographical research on the behavior spaces of female residents in Chinese cities. Human Geography, 2003, 18(4): 1-4.]

[16]
许晓霞, 柴彦威. 北京居民日常休闲行为的性别差异. 人文地理, 2012, 27(1): 22-28.

[Xu Xiaoxia, Chai Yanwei.Gender differences in daily leisure behavior of Beijing residents. Human Geography, 2012, 27(1): 22-28.]

[17]
柴彦威, 张雪. 北京郊区女性居民一周时空间行为的日间差异研究. 地理科学, 2014, 34(6): 725-732.伴随城市空间向郊区急剧扩张,郊区已成为快速城市化过程中疏解城市人口和功能的重要空间。作为兼顾工作与家庭的双重工作者,郊区女性居民的日常生活面临着新的挑战。基于2012年北京居民日常活动与交通出行调查的第一手资料,采用时间地理学研究框架,以一周的活动日志数据为基础,从时间节奏和时间分配的角度分析郊区女性的时间利用特征,并通过标准置信椭圆对GPS轨迹数据进行了活动空间刻画,探讨不同活动在城市不同空间中的发生日间差异。结果表明,在时间上,郊区女性的日常生活具有规律性、丰富性和细碎性的特点;工作日的时间分配以工作活动为中心,从周一到周四的差异性不显著;休息日的时间分配以家务和休闲活动为主,并且在休息日内部出现周日出行时间相对较少的差异。在空间上,大部分郊区女性居民选择在郊区附近就业,日常生活中的购物、休闲活动也主要在郊区空间发生;在休息日,购物活动向城区空间内延伸,休闲活动的空间范围虽然相比于工作日有所扩大但仍主要在郊区空间内部完成。

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[Chai Yanwei, Zhang Xue.The spatio-temporal activity pattern of the suburban female residents in Beijing, China. Human Geography. Scientia Geographica Sinica, 2014, 34(6): 725-732.]

[18]
邓昭华, 刘垚, 赵渺希, 等. 城市公园游憩行为的性别差异: 以广州人民公园为例. 地域研究与开发, 2014, 33(5): 109-114.以广州市人民公园为研究对象，通过实地踏勘和问卷调查，利用统计与观察分析方法解剖城市公园游憩行为的性别差异特征。在游憩者的行为和社会特征方面，两性之间存在明显差异；女性的公园游憩行为与其社会分工特别是家庭责任紧密联系；女性因对安全性的要求高而趋向视线开敞的集体区域活动，男性因要求独立性而趋向在有视线遮挡的区域活动，且男性同性恋活动区域对女性形成了一定的活动抑制；女性对出行距离较为敏感，而男性独自出行游憩的比例更高；女性对城市游憩空间的需求趋于稳定、有规律，也凸显了公园对女性日常生活的重要性。基于公平性与人性化原则提出相应的城市公园规划设计对策，特别应对公共设施进行细致而灵活的设计，以适应使用者的性别差异性；并应按照步行尺度进行游憩场所的规划布局，以保障女性就近游憩的需求。

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[Deng Zhaohua, Liu Yao, Zhao Miaoxi, et al.The gender differences of urban park recreation behavior: A case study of Guangzhou People's Park. Areal Research and Development, 2014, 33(5): 109-114.]

[19]
曹小曙, 林强. 基于结构方程模型的广州城市社区居民出行行为. 地理学报, 2011, 66(2): 167-177.基于行为主义的视角,从微观的社区层面研究城市居民的出行行为。选取广州市的3个城市社区作为案例,以218个样本数据库为基础,根据研究的侧重点不同分别建立两个结构方程模型,拟合各变量之间的路径关系。其中居民出行选择的结构方程模型重点分析居民属性、居住区位与居民出行目的、出行时间、出行方式等出行偏好之间的关系。居民出行决策的结构方程模型则模拟居民的出行决策过程。结果显示:居民之间由于自身属性不同在出行选择和出行偏好上存在差异,居民出行行为中居民属性和居住区位是根本,出行目的是关键,居民出行行为可以概括为"属性决定目的,目的影响行动"。此外,居民的出行行为有其复杂的作用机制和决策路径,居民的出行决策过程可以解读为性别决策子系统、年龄决策子系统、收入决策子系统和居住区位决策子系统等4个决策子系统,各子系统中路径作用的不同使居民属性和居住区位对居民出行决策产生多重多向的效应,在复合系统的影响下城市社区居民表现出差异化的出行行为。

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[Cao Xiaoshu, Lin Qiang.A SEM-based study on urban community resident's travel behavior in Guangzhou. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2011, 66(2): 167-177.]

[20]
Kwan Mei-Po.How GIS can help address the uncertain geographic context problem in social science research?. Annals of GIS, 2012, 18(45): 245-255.The uncertain geographic context problem (UGCoP), first articulated by Kwan (2012; The uncertain geographic context problem. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 102 (5), 958鈥968), refers to the problem that findings about the effects of area-based contextual variables on individual behaviors or outcomes may be affected by how contextual units (e.g., neighborhoods) are geographically delineated and the extent to which these areal units deviate from the true geographic context. It is a significant methodological problem because it means that analytical results can differ for different delineations of contextual units even if everything else is the same. Drawing upon Kwan (2012) and recent social science studies (especially environmental health and neighborhood effects research), this article further elaborates on the nature of the UGCoP and explores how recent advances in geographical information system (GIS) and geospatial technologies can help address the problem. It discusses possible means for mitigating the UGCoP, especially with regard to the collection of detailed individual space ime data with global positioning systems, construction of individual activity spaces, and the use of qualitative and web-based GIS to capture people's activity locations and everyday experiences. It also discusses the challenges for future research that seeks to address the UGCoP.

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[21]
Ewing R, Cervero R.Travel and the built environment. Journal of the American Planning Association, 2010, 76(3): 265-294.Problem: Localities and states are turning to land planning and urban design for help in reducing automobile use and related social and environmental costs. The effects of such strategies on travel demand have not been generalized in recent years from the multitude of available studies. Purpose: We conducted a meta-analysis of the built environment-travel literature existing at the end of 2009 in order to draw generalizable conclusions for practice. We aimed to quantify effect sizes, update earlier work, include additional outcome measures, and address the methodological issue of self-selection. Methods: We computed elasticities for individual studies and pooled them to produce weighted averages. Results and conclusions: Travel variables are generally inelastic with respect to change in measures of the built environment. Of the environmental variables considered here, none has a weighted average travel elasticity of absolute magnitude greater than 0.39, and most are much less. Still, the combined effect of several such variables on travel could be quite large. Consistent with prior work, we find that vehicle miles traveled (VMT) is most strongly related to measures of accessibility to destinations and secondarily to street network design variables. Walking is most strongly related to measures of land use diversity, intersection density, and the number of destinations within walking distance. Bus and train use are equally related to proximity to transit and street network design variables, with land use diversity a secondary factor. Surprisingly, we find population and job densities to be only weakly associated with travel behavior once these other variables are controlled. Takeaway for practice: The elasticities we derived in this meta-analysis may be used to adjust outputs of travel or activity models that are otherwise insensitive to variation in the built environment, or be used in sketch planning applications ranging from climate action plans to health impact assessments. However, because sample sizes are small, and very few studies control for residential preferences and attitudes, we cannot say that planners should generalize broadly from our results. While these elasticities are as accurate as currently possible, they should be understood to contain unknown error and have unknown confidence intervals. They provide a base, and as more built-environment/travel studies appear in the planning literature, these elasticities should be updated and refined. Research support: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.

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[22]
Elldér E.Residential location and daily travel distances: The influence of trip purpose. Journal of Transport Geography, 2014, 34: 121-130.This paper investigates the extent to which residential location influences daily distance travelled if travel purposes are differentiated. Statistical multilevel models are applied to Swedish National Travel Survey data from 2005-2006. Travel purposes are categorized by considering time patial constraints and hypothesized factors of personal freedom of choice. Results indicate that the influence of residential location on daily distance travelled is highly conditional on trip purpose in a nationwide Swedish context. Although statistically significant proportions of the variation in daily distance travelled to work, on service errands, and on weekdays were dependent on residential location, daily travel distances for leisure activities and on weekends varied greatly among people living in the same neighbourhood. From a policy perspective, these results suggest that measures intended to alter the built environment to reduce the volume of travel will be most efficient as regards work trips, while trips taken during free time are unlikely to be much affected. In addition, the multilevel models applied reveal several important interactions between the variation in travel distances across residential locations and individual characteristics of which researchers should be aware, especially when examining service trips.

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[23]
Diaz-Cortes F, Garcia-Ramon M D. Women, daily life and public spaces in barcelonas metropolitan area: A case-study of the Ca Nanglada district of Terrassa. Finisterra: Revista Portuguesa de Geografia, 2010, 90: 49-69.

[24]
Caroline Moser.Building inclusive cities: Women's safety and the right to the city. Urban Policy & Research, 2013, 31(4): 496-498.Building inclusive cities : women's safety and the right to the city edited by Carolyn Whitzman ... [et al.] （Earthscan from Routledge） Routledge, 2013 : hbk : pbk

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[25]
塔娜, 柴彦威, 关美宝. 建成环境对北京市郊区居民工作日汽车出行的影响. 地理学报, 2015, 70(10): 1675-1685.郊区化导致的汽车出行增加及相关的城市环境与社会问题日益成为城市研究关注的焦点,但目前国内对建成环境与汽车出行行为的研究刚刚起步.基于GPS与活动日志相结合的居民一周活动与出行数据,利用GIS空间分析分别以居住地、工作地和活动空间作为地理背景,分析建成环境对于郊区居民汽车出行距离的影响因素.研究发现,建成环境对工作日汽车出行的影响因地理背景的选择而有不同.整日出行受到工作地和活动空间的影响,工作地与活动空间建设密度增高汽车出行减少,但是居住空间的影响不显著;通勤出行受到居住地、工作地和活动空间的影响,居住地商业密度提高和建设密度降低、工作地和活动空间建设密度提高,汽车出行减少;非工作活动出行也受到居住地、工作地和活动空间的影响,居住地、工作地和活动空间的公交密度低、工作地和活动空间建设密度高,汽车出行少.基于研究结果,本文对地理背景不确定性问题进行了探讨,提出出行行为的研究需要考虑居住地以外其他地理背景的影响,并对控制汽车使用的公共政策提出了建议.

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[Tana, Chai Yanwei, Mei-Po Kwan. The relationship between the built environment and car travel distance on weekdays in Beijing. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2015, 70(10): 1675-1685.]

[26]
孙斌栋, 但波. 上海城市建成环境对居民通勤方式选择的影响. 地理学报, 2015, 70(10): 1664-1674.伴随中国快速城市化与机动化进程,私人汽车拥有量不断增长,由此引起的交通拥堵和环境问题已成为制约中国城市可持续发展的难题.基于上海市区的居民通勤问卷调查数据,采用多项Logit模型检验了街道尺度城市建成环境对于居民通勤方式选择的影响,结果表明,在控制了其他因素后,提高居住地的人口密度、土地利用混合度与十字路口比重,可以减少小汽车通勤方式的选择,而就业地建成环境对居民通勤方式选择影响相对较弱;建成环境对通勤方式选择的影响会因个体的社会经济异质性而不同.这些结论为通过优化土地利用规划来优化居民通勤结构的城市交通和城市规划政策提供了启示.

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[Sun Bindong, Dan Bo.Impact of urban built environment on residential choice of commuting mode in Shanghai. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2015, 70(10): 1664-1674.]

[27]
毛蒋兴, 阎小培. 高密度开发城市交通系统对土地利用的影响作用研究: 以广州为例. 经济地理, 2005, 25(2): 185-188.在评述国内外城市交通系统对土地利用影响作用研究的基础上,以广州为案例,利用有关政府部门资料、统计资料和实地调查资料,引入定量分析和GIS、RS空间分析技术,系统全面地研究了我国高密度开发城市交通系统对土地利用的影响作用.首先论述了城市交通系统发展对城市空间格局演化的引导作用;接着应用GIS和RS技术分析论证了城市交通系统建设对土地利用开发的刺激作用;然后应用GIS技术和多元统计分析方法探讨了城市交通系统对土地利用价格的影响作用;最后阐明了城市交通系统对广州各类用地布局的影响.

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[Mao Jiangxing, Yan Xiaopei.A study to the impacts on urban land use of transport system in highly-densely developed city: A case study of Guangzhou. Economic Geography, 2005, 25(2): 185-188.]

[28]
Bell M, Mcewan C.The admission of women fellows to the royal geographical society, 1892-1914: The controversy and the outcome. Geographical Journal, 1996, 162(3): 295-312.The decision of the Royal Geographical Society, in 1913, to admit women Fellows marked the conclusion of a protracted debate extending over 20 years. The controversy surrounding women's admission drew the Society into the broader questions within contemporary British science and politics. These included the nature of scientific progress, national efficiency, imperial patronage, social justice and the moral rights of citizens. This paper discusses the debate within the Society and the context within which the decision to admit women was reached. It reviews the group of women candidates who were proposed and elected Fellows during 1913 and briefly outlines their activities within the Society. In elaborating on what was a highly contentious issue in the history of geography and of its major institution at the time, the paper contributes to a rapidly expanding literature on the entry of women to learned societies and professional occupations in Europe and North America since the late nineteenth century.

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[29]
Golob T F.A simultaneous model of household activity participation and trip chain generation. Transportation Research Part B: Methodological, 2000, 34(5): 355-376.A trip generation model has been developed using a time-use perspective, in which trips are generated in conjunction with out-of-home activities, and time spent traveling is another component of overall time use. The model jointly forecasts three sets of endogenous variables – (1) activity participation and (2) travel time (together making up total out-of-home time use), and (3) trip generation – as a function of household characteristics and accessibility indices. It is estimated with data from the Portland, Oregon 1994 Activity and Travel Survey. Results show that the basic model, which has 10 endogenous time use and trip generation variables and 13 exogenous variables, fits well, and all postulated relationships are upheld. Test show that the basic model, which divides activities into work and nonwork, can be extended to a three-way breakdown of subsistence, discretionary and obligatory activities. The model can also capture the effects of in-home work on trip chaining and activity participation. We use the model to explore the effects on time use and trip chaining of GIS-based and zone-based accessibility indices.

DOI

[30]
张文佳, 柴彦威. 基于家庭的城市居民出行需求理论与验证模型. 地理学报, 2008, 63(12): 1246-1256.西方的城市居民出行需求研究已经由基于出行的分析转向基于活动的分析,而国内的相关研究几乎空白,特别是基于家庭的分析.基于出行的交通需求理论在交通规划中的不足,强调活动分析法的理论基础和应用优势,提出了基于家庭的活动一移动行为的理论并进行模型验证.采用天津市居民时间利用日志调查的第一手数据,以家庭为研究单元,建立结构方程模型,在解读天津市民丁作日的活动-移动模式的基础上.验证了基于家庭的活动分析法的理论.结果表明,出行来源于相应的活动参与,且活动分析法很好地解决了四阶段法等基于出行的模型的一些不足.男女家长之间存在明显的活动-移动联系.并且在非工作活动上存在联合参与行为.在考虑活动和家庭成员的间接效应时,社会经济属性对居民出行时间的的总体效应和直接效应显著程度不一,验证了基于家庭的活动分析法在出行行为研究上比传统基于出行的分析更加全面和深入.

DOI

[Zhang Wenjia, Chai Yanwei.Theory and verification model of travel demand for urban residents based on family. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2008, 63(12): 1246-1256.]

[31]
张萌, 孙全欣, 陈金川, 等. 北京市女性出行行为研究. 交通运输系统工程与信息, 2008, 8(2): 23-30.在城市生活中，相对于同年龄层男性的对比群体，女性出行行为的各项统计指标具有显著差异．本文基于2005年北京市居民出行调查的样本数据，比较分析了女性的出行行为在出行率、出行时耗、出行目的及出行方式等方面的特征．进一步地，引入了出行链的概念，利用非集计理论和方法，构建了女性早通勤出行链选择行为模型，从源头上分析影响女性个体出行链选择行为的10个重要因素；并利用模型估计所得的参数计算事件发生比，量化了各个影响因素对女性出行链选择行为的影响程度．研究结果表明：女性老年人的出行率远低于男性老年人；女性在购物和社会生活等出行目的上的出行比例明显高于男性，且平均出行时耗受家庭结构因素的制约较为突出；女性出行采用的主要交通方式为步行，且远高于男性的相应值；年龄、是否持有驾照、家庭月收入、家庭交通工具拥有情况是影响女性出行链选择行为的主导因素．

DOI

[Zhang Meng, Sun Quanxin, Chen Jinchuan, et al.Research on the female travel behavior of Beijing city. Traffic and Transportation Systems Engineering and Information, 2008, 8(2): 23-30.]

[32]
Cervero R, Kockelman K.Travel demand and the 3Ds: Density, diversity, and design. Transportation Research Part D: Transport and Environment, 1997, 2(3): 199-219.The built environment is thought to influence travel demand along three principal dimensions —density, diversity, and design. This paper tests this proposition by examining how the ‘3Ds’ affect trip rates and mode choice of residents in the San Francisco Bay Area. Using 1990 travel diary data and land-use records obtained from the U.S. census, regional inventories, and field surveys, models are estimated that relate features of the built environment to variations in vehicle miles traveled per household and mode choice, mainly for non-work trips. Factor analysis is used to linearly combine variables into the density and design dimensions of the built environment. The research finds that density, land-use diversity, and pedestrian-oriented designs generally reduce trip rates and encourage non-auto travel in statistically significant ways, though their influences appear to be fairly marginal. Elasticities between variables and factors that capture the 3Ds and various measures of travel demand are generally in the 0.06 to 0.18 range, expressed in absolute terms. Compact development was found to exert the strongest influence on personal business trips. Within-neighborhood retail shops, on the other hand, were most strongly associated with mode choice for work trips. And while a factor capturing ‘walking quality’ was only moderately related to mode choice for non-work trips, those living in neighborhoods with grid-iron street designs and restricted commercial parking were nonetheless found to average significantly less vehicle miles of travel and rely less on single-occupant vehicles for non-work trips. Overall, this research shows that the elasticities between each dimension of the built environment and travel demand are modest to moderate, though certainly not inconsequential. Thus it supports the contention of new urbanists and others that creating more compact, diverse, and pedestrian-orientated neighborhoods, in combination, can meaningfully influence how Americans travel.

DOI

[33]
Frank L D, Saelens B E, Powell K E, et al.Stepping towards causation: Do built environments or neighborhood and travel preferences explain physical activity, driving, and obesity. Social Science & Medicine, 2007, 65(9): 1898-1914.Evidence documents associations between neighborhood design and active and sedentary forms of travel. Most studies compare travel patterns for people located in different types of neighborhoods at one point in time adjusting for demographics. Most fail to account for either underlying neighborhood selection factors (reasons for choosing a neighborhood) or preferences (neighborhoods that are preferred) that impact neighborhood selection and behavior. Known as self-selection, this issue makes it difficult to evaluate causation among built form, behavior, and associated outcomes and to know how much more walking and less driving could occur through creating environments conducive to active transport. The current study controls for neighborhood selection and preference and isolates the effect of the built environment on walking, car use, and obesity. Separate analyses were conducted among 2056 persons in the Atlanta, USA based Strategies for Metropolitan Atlanta's Regional Transportation and Air Quality (SMARTRAQ) travel survey on selection factors and 1466 persons in the SMARTRAQ community preference sub-survey. A significant proportion of the population are ismatched and do not live in their preferred neighborhood type. Factors influencing neighborhood selection and individual preferences, and current neighborhood walkability explained vehicle travel distance after controlling for demographic variables. Individuals who preferred and lived in a walkable neighborhood walked most (33.9% walked) and drove 25.8 miles per day on average. Individuals that preferred and lived in car dependent neighborhoods drove the most (43 miles per day) and walked the least (3.3%). Individuals that do not prefer a walkable environment walked little and show no change in obesity prevalence regardless of where they live. About half as many participants were obese (11.7%) who prefer and live in walkable environments than participants who prefer car dependent environments (21.6%). Findings suggest that creating walkable environments may result in higher levels of physical activity and less driving and in slightly lower obesity prevalence for those preferring walkability.

DOI PMID

[34]
柴彦威, 肖作鹏, 刘志林. 居民家庭日常出行碳排放的发生机制与调控策略: 以北京市为例. 地理研究, 2012, 31(2): 334-344.根据2007年北京市居民活动日志调查数据,利用Amos7.0软件建立单效标因素的路径分析模型,试图在&quot;社区-家庭&quot;层面上挖掘&quot;空间利用-出行特征-碳排放&quot;的内在发生机理,藉此寻找城市空间组织低碳化的调控路径。研究发现:影响居民家庭日常出行碳排放的主要因素是出行距离和出行方式。社区空间利用特征对家庭出行的距离总量有显著影响,对小汽车出行比率则没有明显作用效果;私家车的购置对居民家庭出行行为的高碳化具有不可逆的作用特点;在现有设施条件、空间环境和车辆使用政策下,公共交通对私人交通出行没有替代性。研究认为,城市空间组织和调控优化应通过土地混合利用、设施供给等物质空间组织与再组织手段,形成空间行为组织和行为规划策略,引导居民降低交通发生量,优化居民交通发生的时空结构,建构低碳的城市空间结构。

DOI

[Chai Yanwei, Xiao Zuopeng, Liu Zhilin.Low-carbon optimization strategies based on CO2 emission mechanism of household daily travels: A case study of Beijing. Geographical Research, 2012, 31(2): 334-344.]

[35]
Frank L, Bradley M, Kavage S, et al.Urban form, travel time, and cost relationships with tour complexity and mode choice. Transportation, 2008, 35(1): 37-54.lt;a name="Abs1"></a>The primary purpose of this study was to investigate how relative associations between travel time, costs, and land use patterns where people live and work impact modal choice and trip chaining patterns in the Central Puget Sound (Seattle) region. By using a tour-based modeling framework and highly detailed land use and travel data, this study attempts to add detail on the specific land use changes necessary to address different types of travel, and to develop a comparative framework by which the relative impact of travel time and urban form changes can be assessed. A discrete choice modeling framework adjusted for demographic factors and assessed the relative effect of travel time, costs, and urban form on mode choice and trip chaining characteristics for the three tour types. The tour based modeling approach increased the ability to understand the relative contribution of urban form, time, and costs in explaining mode choice and tour complexity for home and work related travel. Urban form at residential and employment locations, and travel time and cost were significant predictors of travel choice. Travel time was the strongest predictor of mode choice while urban form the strongest predictor of the number of stops within a tour. Results show that reductions in highway travel time are associated with less transit use and walking. Land use patterns where respondents work predicted mode choice for mid day and journey to work travel.

DOI

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