EN中文

GEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH >

2015 , Vol. 34 >Issue 12: 2355 - 2367

DOI: https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201512013

Orginal Article

Reconstruction of cropland spatial pattern in 1830 in the middle reaches of Yarlung Zangbo River Valley

  • WANG Yukun , 1, 2 ,
  • TAO Juanping 1 ,
  • LIU Fenggui , 1, 2 ,
  • ZHANG Yili 2 ,
  • CHEN Qiong 1
Expand
  • 1. College of Life and Geographical Science, Qinghai Normal University, Xi'ning 810008, China
  • 2. Key Laboratory of Tibetan Plateau Environment and Resources, Ministry of Education, Xi'ning 810008, China
  • 3. Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, CAS, Beijing 100101, China
  • 4. Chinese Academy of Sciences Center for Excellence in Tibetan Plateau Earth Sciences, Beijing 100101, China

Received date: 2015-07-12

  Request revised date: 2015-11-15

  Online published: 2015-12-24

Copyright

《地理研究》编辑部
Fold

Abstract

In this study, we collected and revised the cultivated land tax data from the Tie Hu List, which recorded the cultivated land tax of the Midstream Yarlung Zangbo River Valley of Tibet in 1830, the data were transformed to modern cropland land area. Then the gridding method was used to reconstruct the cropland spatial pattern with a resolution of 1 km by 1 km in the study area in 1830. The results show that: as a whole, the cropland area of this region in 1830 was 895 km2, among which, 39% was cultivated by the Government, 31% was cultivated by the Nobles, and 29% by Temples. In terms of the distribution pattern, the cultivated land was found in only 27.4% of the grids, and it was distributed dispersedly in the main stream basins of Yarlung Zangbo River Valley and its tributary basins. As for the intensity of land use, the lower level reclamation index reflects the situation of local lower level agricultural production. The average reclamation index of the whole study area was only 0.6%. However, the spatial difference of the reclamation index was obvious. The average reclamation index of Lhasa was 6.3%, which was the greatest in the study area. The average reclamation index of Shigatse, Gyangze, Nedong and Qonggyai is about 3%, while Gongbu and the western counties has the lowest reclamation index, which was less than 1%.

Key words： cropland; spatial distribution; gridding reconstruction; Yarlung Zangbo River; valley area

Cite this article

WANG Yukun , TAO Juanping , LIU Fenggui , ZHANG Yili , CHEN Qiong . Reconstruction of cropland spatial pattern in 1830 in the middle reaches of Yarlung Zangbo River Valley[J]. GEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, 2015 , 34(12) : 2355 -2367 . DOI: 10.11821/dlyj201512013

1 引言

人类活动是引起土地利用和土地覆被变化的主要因素之一,耕地开垦是人类作用于土地的重要方式[1-3]。历史时期土地覆盖变化的研究,不仅帮助人类正确认识历史进程中人地关系的实质和人与环境和谐发展的机理,还可以为理解和解释当前的土地利用状况与预测未来土地利用变化提供重要参考[4,5],同时也对研究长时间序列的区域环境变化（如碳循环、气候变化等）有着重要的支撑作用[6,7]。近年来重建历史时期土地利用/覆被的研究从全球尺度到区域尺度已经取得重要成果[1,4,8,9],除了全球尺度的HYDE数据集[3]和SAGE数据集[1]以外,学者们还运用历史文档、古地图、历史野外调查资料等多源历史数据重建了欧洲[10-14]、北美[15-17]、非洲[18]等区域的土地利用/覆被变化。中国学者也借助丰富的历史文献和详实的田赋记载,对中国历史时期土地格局重建做了大量工作,完成了中国东部传统农业区的历代土地格局的定量重建[19-21]以及更小尺度的耕地、林地等的重建,如东北地区[22-24]、西南地区[25-27]、苏皖地区[28,29]、西北地区黑河流域[30,31]、河湟谷地[32]等的耕地格局重建。历史时期土地格局重建主要基于网格化方法,通过一定规则将指标分配到相应的地理环境,但对全球尺度SAGE数据集的深化研究表明[33],其精度和应用层面有待于进一步加强。
青藏高原土地覆盖变化在宏观尺度上相对较小,但在一江两河、河湟谷地等河谷地区,凭借着相对优越的自然环境条件,人口集聚度较高、社会经济发展较快,区域土地利用变化显著,对高原区域社会经济发展具有举足轻重的作用[34]。青藏高原耕地分布面积狭小,基于历史数据重建其耕地格局存在两大难题：一是数据资料的来源;二是空间分辨率的选择。清代藏文历史文献详细记录了1830年西藏地区各宗谿（“宗”（Rdzong）为藏语音译,是地方政府的行政管理机构;“谿”指“谿卡”（Gzhis-ka）,本意为自然村落,后来常指以主庄园建筑为核心的农民住房、农田、道路、磨房以及水利或防御设施的农业庄园）耕地的税收情况。Ryavec[35]基于该数据运用泰森多边形方法推演了西藏河谷地区1830-1990年的土地利用与覆被变化,但在估算耕地面积时没有剔除非耕地数据（包括牧业、劳役等记录）,其模拟的宗谿单元也近似于现在的县域,无法将耕地准确表达在空间上,更无法揭示海拔、坡度、聚落等对耕地分布的影响;冯永恒等[36]重建了1913-2000年青藏地区10 km网格的耕地格局,用青海省的人均耕地面积替代了西藏耕地数据,精度和准确率并不理想。罗静等[32]通过网格化模型重建了青海省河湟谷地1726年2 km空间分辨率的耕地格局,又根据青藏高原独特的自然地理条件和农业发展历史,构建了相对适用于青藏高原河谷农业区耕地格局的网格化模型,精度提高到1 km[37]。李士成等[38]重建了1910年以来青海和西藏1 km分辨率耕地格局并研究其变化。
鉴于此,本文整理和校正西藏历史文献资料中记载的1830年西藏耕地税收数据,推算各宗谿的耕地面积,依据1820年聚落数据库和现代行政边界,通过网格化方法重建西藏河谷地区1830年耕地格局,为研究西藏历史时期耕地格局变化提供相应依据。

2 研究区概况

2.1 西藏河谷地区自然概况

研究区位于西藏自治区南部区域,范围包括西藏雅鲁藏布江中游及其主要支流拉萨河、年楚河流域。行政单元包括拉萨市、林芝地区、山南地区和日喀则地区的共32个县区（图1）,该区主要以高大山系和山间河谷组成,地形复杂多样,在地势较为平坦的河谷阶地和冲积平原,灌溉便利,是西藏农业发展历史最悠久、耕地分布最广的地区[39]。区域内年降水量250~700 mm不等,由东南向西北递减;年平均气温5~8 ℃ ,夏季温度较低;年平均日照2800~3300 h,雨热同期,自然条件相对优越,适宜农业发展。
Fig. 1 Location of the study area

图1 研究区位置示意图

2.2 西藏河谷地区农业发展

2.2.1 西藏农业发展简史 西藏农业发展历史悠久,在距今5000年前后的卡诺遗址发现,当时西藏地区已经出现了粟的栽培[40],原始农业生产活动已经开始。传统农业出现在约公元1世纪的西藏雅隆部落第九代藏王布德贡杰时期,据《西藏王臣记》[41]、《西藏王统记》[42]等藏文古籍记载：“斯时,钻木为孔作轭犁,合二牛轭开荒原,导江湖水入沟渠,灌溉农田种植,自斯以后,始有农事”,表明当时已经有了农业规模种植和兴建水利等。西藏雅隆王朝的“六地列王”（约公元3世纪）和“五赞王”（约公元6世纪）时代,西藏农业发展缓慢。公元7世纪中期,松赞干布统一青藏高原,建立吐蕃王朝,采取措施发展农业生产,“专置农官”,管理农业生产,“巡视农田,调整税赋”[43],开拓荒地,发展水利,农业生产得到快速发展,农田开垦规模迅速扩大。吐蕃王朝后期（约公元9世纪）,贵族阶层暴乱频发,连续数百年农业生产停滞凋敝[44,45]。元统一西藏后（公元13世纪）,西藏庄园农业出现并成为西藏主要的经济形式[46]。当时的“萨迦政权”和“帕竹政权”采取“平息战乱,定额赋税差役,赈灾济民,连年减免赋税,休养生息”的政策,西藏河谷地区出现了“无边的农田麻雀飞不到边,山谷所有闲土尽辟为耕地”[47]的繁荣景象,西藏农业生产得到恢复和发展。1374年,明代在西藏设都使司,实施土地分封,“重视封建庄园发展,减免租税”,“谿卡庄园分摊土地给农民耕种,规定收获六分之一为赋税”,农民生产积极性提高,农业开垦得到较大发展。
清代为便于对西藏地区进行管理,继续实行土地分封政策,给予诸多优惠政策鼓励军民开垦耕地外,从中原地区将白菜、萝卜等菜种引入西藏种植[48]。虽然土地的所有权归属清政府,但地方政府、寺庙和贵族占有土地的基本格局已经形成[39]。1727年（雍正五年）,清政府向西藏派出驻藏大臣,下发令牌,安置逃亡农奴,减免差役。1751年（乾隆十六年）,设立噶厦政府,先后制定《酌定西藏善后章程》和《钦定藏内善后章程》,“赈济贫民,蠲免钱粮债务,实行休养生息”,“官家、贵族、寺院所属封地、人口户籍一律造册,税收差役无论贫富,平均负担”[49],设置水务官员“曲本”,重视农田水利建设,人工开凿水渠、修筑堤坝[50]。1795年（乾隆末年）,西藏人口数较明代翻一倍,人口数量接近一百四十万[51]。
2.2.2 西藏庄园农业 元统一西藏后,将西藏土地以谿卡为单位分封,其中分给政府机构、军队、大臣用以代替政府工资的土地为政府庄园,称“曲谿”（Gzhung-Gzhis）;分封各寺院、僧人用以供养寺院的土地,并免除劳役税为寺院庄园,称“却谿（Chos-Gzhis）;至少有一个男性为政府服务的贵族家族,由政府封赐给一定的土地作为该家族的贵族庄园,称“格谿”（Sger-Gzhis)。由于分封的土地地理位置相对独立和封闭,谿卡的日常生产主要围绕自己的庄园展开,具有明显的地方性和区域性。西藏的农业庄园虽分布很广,但大多数集中在拉萨河谷和江孜平原一带农业生产条件相对优越的河谷地区。庄园有一套较为完整的运转制度,每座庄园以领主的居住地为中心,由主楼、附楼、牲畜棚、围墙、打场和林卡组成,农民按等级形成远近不同、大小不等的聚落：距离庄园领主越近居住的人,一般生产、生活和经济上独立性越差;外圈一般为大查巴和管家的住所,最外层是各阶层居民的公用设施,如水塘、宗教建筑等;庄园外则是林地、耕地和草地。西藏河谷地区庄园土地的经营方式基本分为两种：一是“自营地”,由领主派人经营,利用农奴支差,只给农奴少量“份地”,是一种纯劳役地租形式,收获全部归领主所有;二是租给“农奴”耕种、由农奴缴纳实物,支应乌拉差役,按“差岗”分给农奴户耕种[52]。
西藏庄园农业经过700年的发展,至清朝时期,由政府、贵族和寺庙占有制的土地关系基本固化。许多贵族、寺院庄园兼并土地、偷逃赋税,造成了“政府收入减少,耕地抛荒”,为解决土地矛盾,1830年清政府在西藏地方进行大规模清查户口、土地和差税,由西藏地方政府汇编的藏文版《噶丹颇章所属卫藏塔公绒等地区铁虎年普查清册》,汉文版译为《铁虎清册》（以下简称《清册》）[53],详细记载了西藏地方政府、贵族、寺庙等60个宗谿部落对土地的占有情况以及农奴和差民应缴纳的各种徭役赋税。西藏民主改革后,庄园农业正式瓦解,但河谷地区的耕地分布仍然残存有庄园农业的特点。

3 数据来源与处理

本文引用的数据主要包括1830年的基础数据及耕地分布影响因子数据。其中1830年基础数据中的耕地数据主要来源于《清册》[53],通过校正《清册》中记录的耕地差税数据获得具有现代意义的耕地面积,并且以《清册》为基础,参考《卫藏通志》[49]和《中国历史地图集》[54]确定各宗谿的相对位置和研究区界限;耕地分布影响因子的海拔数据来源于地理空间数据云（www.gscloud.cn）中的90 m分辨率的DEM;全国公里网格气候生产潜力数据、1 ∶ 100万中国土壤数据和土壤碳分布数据来自地球系统科学数据共享平台（www.geodata.cn);青藏高原边界引自文献[55];1820年全国聚落数据和河流湖泊数据来源于中国历史地理信息系统（yugong.fudan.edu.cn）。

3.1 研究区边界确定

清代西藏的行政区划可以划分为达赖辖地、班禅辖地、三十九族地区、波密土王辖地等共16个地区。各个辖地之间没有明确的界线,其辖地相互交错,庄园呈点状分布。《清册》中记载的60个宗谿属于噶厦政府管理,区域上基本属于达赖辖地。
《清册》涉及的宗谿中,第1~第28件、第29~第37件、第38~第60件分别对应前藏（卫）、后藏（藏）和工布（恭布）地区（图2）。将60个宗谿地名与现代地名比勘校验,其中53个宗谿位于现代县城或重要乡镇驻地,其余宗谿位于寺庙或庄园遗址附近。宗谿所在地自然条件相对优越,耕地开垦较早。靠近宗谿边界地区,一般多为山地或不适宜耕地开垦的地区,其边界多为山脉或河流等自然界线,与现代县或乡镇界限相似。本文将位于同一县域范围内的宗谿耕地数据合并,并剔除草地等差税宗谿,将宗谿点分别分布在32个现代县域中,卫藏包含14个现代县区（拉萨市下辖的其中6个县区和山南地区下辖的其中8个县区）、后藏包含现代13个县区（日喀则市下辖的其中11个县区和尼木县、浪卡子县）、工布包含5个现代县区（林芝地区的工布江达县、林芝县、米林县、朗县和拉萨市的加查县）。
Fig. 2 Spatial distribution of Zongxi and administrative boundaries on river valley in Tibet for 1830

图2 西藏河谷地区1830年宗谿空间分布及其行政范围界限

3.2 耕地数据订正

编制《清册》是为了增加财政收入,并非清查土地面积,所以《清册》中记录的是差税单位。David[56]通过整理早期的契约、税费单、税费记录等与土地所有权有关的历史文档资料,对比研究了美国中部地区1730-1990年的土地利用与植被变化。国内学者赵贇[28]根据历史资料中的纳税单位推算出同时期苏皖地区的耕地面积。可见历史时期土地税收数据可以用于土地利用和土地覆被变化研究。中国土地税收数据普遍存在差税单位不统一、免税、瞒报等特点,需要对差税数据进行校正和统一后再转换推算出耕地面积。
历史时期西藏的耕地统计数据缺失,文献记载：“政府、贵族、寺庙三者 ⋯ ⋯ 凡持有执照凭证者,按冈计。凡以冈折顿者,以二冈折一顿计”[53]。“冈、顿”是清代西藏地方政府向各宗谿收取差税的主要计量单位,两冈折合一顿（表1）。西藏差税单位主要包括“冈、顿、合、勒”。“冈”是针对政府占有耕地面积的主要计量单位,“依土地面积,以下种克数计算”[57];“顿”是针对贵族和寺庙占有耕地的主要计量单位;“合”是差税单位,《清册》有载：“德央寺庙谿卡康羌森巴计二合,应支六分之一顿差”[53],据此可得：1顿=2冈=12合;“勒”是牲畜的统计单位[57],与耕地无关。西藏的耕地丈量单位主要有“突、藏克”。“突”是西藏在没有计量器具和计量单位的情况下的经验值,即一对二牛抬杠式的耕牛一天能翻耕的土地面积[50],虽不能准确丈量耕地,但具有相当可靠性,是西藏当时计算耕地面积的最小单位;“藏克”相当于古代中原地区的“斗”,是用于计量粮食重量和容量的单位,属经验值,以成年男子手抓粮食为单位,3.5把粮食=1普,21把粮食=1赤,6普=1赤,20赤=1藏克。“播种1藏克青稞种子所需的土地面积为1克土地”[52],依据现代重量单位换算1藏克≈14 kg,14~17.5 kg青稞通常耕种1标准亩耕地[52],1藏克耕地面积非常接近1标准亩,因此,按照“1克土地约1市亩”换算。
Tab. 1 Cropland tax records of Tibet for 1830

表1 西藏1830年耕地差税记录

县区名 政府占有耕地 寺庙占有耕地 贵族占有耕地
冈 km2 顿 km2 顿 km2
拉萨城区 239.92 6.4 306.19 16.33 166.89 8.9
琼结县 917.67 24.47 40.05 2.14 138.42 7.38
日喀则市 350.7 9.35 1580.88 84.31 210.65 11.23
… … … … … … …
西藏河谷地区“冈、顿、合”等差税单位无法直接换算成耕地面积,“突”、“藏克”没有直接记录数据可用,因此两者之间必须加以换算。查阅文献发现,西藏河谷地区农业自然条件的差异和庄园土地兼并导致的耕地面积变化,“藏克”和“冈、顿”之间存在模糊的换算关系,不同地区1冈土地播种面积约在30~100藏克之间,实际情况中极端值存在的区域范围很小,大多数地区1冈土地约种植40~60藏克,光绪十六年（1891年）,清政府规定“有土地40藏克即需承担1冈差税”[52],鉴于此,本文的基本换算公式为：
1 冈 = 40 藏克 = 40 标准亩 （1）
1 顿 = 2 冈 = 80 藏克 = 80 标准亩 = 4 75 k m 2 （2）
《清册》记录中徭役赋税种类繁多,包括农业税、畜牧税、军差、人头税、商业税及劳役等,同时还含有减免差税。差税统计是将所有宗谿的不同税种分别统计,将表征农业耕地面积的农业税保留,去除其他冈差税种;贵族和寺庙兼并的农奴土地,不再重复计算,归并到贵族和寺庙下属庄园;《清册》记录的具有免差耕地（差户破落而无力支付者、服役者以及地方政府中任职官员的耕地）及抛荒地（农奴逃亡后留下的废弃耕地）因未统计差税数量,本文将其列为瞒田比例加以校正。一般瞒田比例均根据20%左右[58]加以计算,因此,本文以20%的瞒田比例来校正西藏耕地的缺失记录。校正后计算得出,西藏河谷地区1830年耕地面积约为895 km2,其中政府占有耕地39%,贵族占有耕地31%,寺庙占有耕地29%（图3）。拉萨城区及周边的堆龙德庆、墨竹工卡、林周、日喀则市区及南木林等县区,其寺庙占有的耕地比例超过50%,仅日喀则市区寺庙占有耕地比例超过80%,是西藏寺庙占有耕地比例最高的地区。政府占有耕地比例较高的地区有琼结、措美、洛扎、林芝、吉隆、聂拉木、萨迦和亚东等县区,比例均超过80%,而贵族占有耕地比例较高的有扎囊、乃东、米林、尼木和江孜等县区,其比例约为50%。
Fig. 3 The distribution of cropland by the Government, Nobles and Temples in Tibet for 1830

图3 西藏1830年耕地占有格局

本文通过整理《清册》中记载的差税数据推算出了1830年西藏的耕地面积。据郭声波等研究和历史资料记载,从清后期到民国时期,西藏地区人口呈减少趋势,《中国人口史》[51]中记载乾隆末年（1795年）西藏人口达到139万;鸦片战争爆发前后,人口峰值达到150万人左右;清末（1910年）西藏人口为131.2万人;到民主改革前,西藏人口锐减到100万左右。另据政府统计,西藏民主改革前拥有耕地约330万藏克,约2200 km2,因此,本文中折算的1830年耕地面积是相对合理。

4 耕地网格化重建

4.1 重建模型及精度

西藏地区是高原主体,区域内地表形态的变化极为复杂,全区约有多半土地海拔超过4300 m,大部分谷地海拔也在3000 m以上,因此该区与中国同纬度的东部地方相比,其年平均气温一般要低10 ℃以上,> 10℃积温则平均每年要少2000~3000 ℃或更多[59],寒冷的气候环境和不同地貌类型及其发育年龄密切的影响着土地的质量,土壤发育程度普遍较低,土壤分化程度差异较大,生态环境十分脆弱。受严酷自然环境条件的限制,西藏地区可利用的土地资源十分有限,耕地主要分布在自然环境条件相对较好的河谷地区。同时西藏地区由于农业发展较为缓慢,生产力水平相对落后,历史时期农业的发展主要受自然环境的影响,而人为因素对耕地分布的影响较为微弱。罗静等[37]通过实证研究,构建了适用于青藏高原河谷地区历史时期耕地格局重建的模型,该模型将影响耕地分布的海拔、坡度、土壤类型、坡向、气候生产潜力、土壤有机质含量和人为因素根据其影响耕地分布的作用大小进行了量化,并计算出单位网格的土地宜垦程度,再将历史时期记录的耕地分配到相应网格单元中,该模型充分考虑了青藏高原农业发展的实际情况,即青藏高原独特的自然地理条件对土地宜垦程度的限制性较大,而人为因素对耕地分布的影响较小,因此是相对适合重建高原历史时期耕地分布格局的模型。因此本文应用此模型重建西藏雅鲁藏布江中游河谷地区1830年的耕地格局。鉴于西藏地区的耕地主要分布在雅鲁藏布江等狭长河谷地带,并且河谷宽度约1~4 km,本文将重建网格设定为1 km×1 km。

4.2 影响因子及其量化

4.2.1 影响因子辩识 耕地宜垦程度的影响因子分为限制性因子和非限制性因子两类,限制性因子对耕地分布起限制作用,当其达到一定阈值时,土地将无法耕作,主要包括海拔、坡度、土壤条件等;非限制性因子仅影响耕地的分布比例,主要包括坡向、土壤有机质含量、气候生产潜力和人为因素等。
4.2.2 影响因子量化 （1）限制性因子。利用90 m分辨率的DEM数据和1 ∶ 100万青藏高原土壤数据库,获取限制性因子——海拔和坡度。西藏农业为立体式生产方式,河谷内农牧业并存,不同区域种植结构多样。在雅江中下游地区,耕地多分布在海拔相对较低,以一年一熟或两熟为主,主要种植粮食和经济作物;在雅江流域海拔较高的拉孜、萨嘎等地区,其现代耕地上限达4700 m,主要种植一年一熟制饲料作物和粮食作物[60]。而地面坡度超过25°的地区,水土流失加重,耕地开垦极为困难[61]。由此确定海拔4700 m和地面坡度25°作为研究区耕地分布的上限。同时,将土壤数据二值化,冰川、湖泊、荒漠等作为不能用于耕地地类,设为0,其余土壤类型设为1。对研究区海拔和坡度数据分县区标准化处理如,具体的计算公式如下[37]：
NE i = max E i - E i max E i （3）
NS i = max S i - S ( i ) max ( S ( i ) ) （4）
式中：i为网格编号;NE(i)、NS(i)分别表示网格i标准化后的海拔和坡度,取值范围为[0,1];E(i)、S(i)分别表示区网格i的海拔、坡度;max(E(i))、max(S(i))分别表示网格内海拔、坡度的最大值。
（2）非限制性因子。根据青藏高原河谷农业的具体情况,对坡向进行相应分级量化（表2）;利用土壤数据库和中国公里网格气候生产潜力数据库,并用土壤有机碳含量数据替代土壤有机质含量数据。依据式（5）和式（6）分县区地进行土壤有机碳含量和气候生产潜力的标准化处理[37]。
NO i = O ( i ) max ( O ( i ) ) （5）
NC i = C ( i ) max ( C ( i ) ) （6）
式中：NO(i)、NC(i)分别表示网格i标准化后的土壤有机碳含量、气候生产潜力,取值范围为[0,1];O(i)、C(i)分别表示网格i的土壤有机碳含量和气候生产潜力;max(O(i))、max(C(i))分别表示网格i内土壤有机碳含量和气候生产潜力的最大值。
Tab. 2 Quantification of aspect

表2 坡向量化标准

坡向(°) 270~360 180~270 0~90 90~180
量化值 1 2 3 4
人为因素,一般认为在耕地开垦条件较好的地区形成聚落,耕地则以聚落为中心在周边分布。研究区内1830年聚落数据用1820年聚落数据代替,利用1820年全国聚落数据库中获取研究区的聚落数据,包括府级治所、县级治所和村镇,其中府级治所包括拉萨和日喀则,其作为县级治所同时存在,因此不再提取府级治所。经实地考察发现,聚落多分布于河谷中,谷宽是限制聚落和耕地规模的重要原因,耕地多分布于聚落周边或一侧1000 m左右范围内,且距离越近,耕地分布越集中,反之则耕地分布趋于分散。以聚落为中心分别作500 m、1000 m和1000 m以外的缓冲区,依据距离聚落越近,耕地分布比例越大原则进行赋值。
4.2.3 网格化模型 单位网格的土地宜垦性程度采用几何平均模型和加权求和模型的复合形式来计算,依西藏耕地主要分布于河谷特征进行修正,并应用专家打分法赋予非限制性因子权重（表3）,耕地宜垦程度的计算公式为[37]：
G i , n x = ∏ k = 1 H R k × ∑ j = 1 L S j A j × δ ( i ) （7）
式中：G(i,nx)表示nx年网格i的耕地宜垦程度;H为限制因子的数量;Rk为第k个限制性因子的作用分值;L为非限制性因子的数量;Sj为第j个非限制性因子的作用分值;Aj为第j个非限制因子的权重分值。由于西藏耕地主要分布在河谷中,水域在网格中也占有一定比例,因此增加陆地面积比例 δ ( i ) 。
Tab. 3 Non-limiting factors and weights for cultivated land suitability evaluation

表3 非限制性因子与权重指数

非限制性因子指标 坡向 气候生产潜力 土壤有机质含量 人为因素
权重 0.07 0.50 0.11 0.32
在几何平均值模型中,当网格中限制因子的限制作用达到最大或超过上限阈值时,网格的土地宜垦程度越低甚至为0,所以运用此模型能够去掉无法耕作的土地。Mn县区内网格i的耕地面积比例Z(i, nx)、耕地面积A(i, nx)和垦殖率FR(i, nx)计算方法[37]分别为：
Z i , n x = G i , n x ∑ i = 1 x G i , n x （8）
A i , n x = Z i , n x × M M n , n x （9）
FR i , n x = A ( i , n x ) area ( i ) （10）
式中：M(Mn, nx)为Mn县区在nx年的耕地面积总数;area(i)为每个网格的面积。理论上单位网格垦殖率FR(i, nx)应该在[0,1]范围内,当记录的耕地面积数量较大时,单位网格的垦殖率有可能大于1,此时需要对数据进行进一步处理。当单位网格的垦殖率大于1时,将所有FR(i,nx)>1的网格垦殖率赋为1,把多余的耕地再按式（8）~式（10）重新分配到FR(i,nx)<1的网格单元中,依次循环,直到所有网格的垦殖率均小于1为止。

4.3 重建结果

按照上述方法将校正后的1830年本研究区耕地面积分县区分配到网格单元中,得到了1830年西藏河谷地区1 km×1 km分辨率的耕地网格化空间分布格局（图4）。
Fig. 4 Spatial distribution of cropland on valley region in Tibet for 1830

图4 1830年西藏河谷地区耕地空间分布格局

（1）耕地分布状况方面,耕地主要分布在雅鲁藏布江干流宽阔的河谷地区,拉萨河、年楚河和雅拉雄布曲的中下游地区。其中日喀则和拉萨地区相对集中,前藏的拉萨及周边达孜、扎囊、贡嘎和琼结,后藏的江孜、白朗和仁布的耕地分布网格单元均超过40%以上,日喀则达到66.1%,这些地区平均海拔在2300~4300 m之间,区域内有许多地势较为平坦的河谷阶地和冲积平坝,众多支流经过,灌溉便利;后藏的吉隆、聂拉木、定日、定结等地区,工布区的工布江达、米林、林芝、朗县和加查的耕地分布则相对稀疏,呈零散分布的状态,拥有耕地分布的网格单元只有20%左右,耕地分布也较少。总体来看,西藏雅鲁藏布江河谷地区耕地分布稀疏,耕地网格占研究区总面积的27.4%。
（2）垦殖强度方面,1830年西藏雅江河谷地区整体平均垦殖率只有0.6%,耕地几乎全部分布在河谷冲积台地上,全区垦殖率最高仅为22.5%,耕地网格垦殖率达到10%的只有1%,在5%~10%之间的占6.2%,有高达92.6%的耕地网格垦殖率在5%以下,更有62.2%的耕地网格垦殖率在2%以下,表明1830年西藏整体耕地垦殖率极低。
（3）垦殖强度差异方面,前藏区垦殖强度最高,耕地网格垦殖率为0.8%,超过10%的耕地网格有3.4%;工布区和后藏区垦殖强度相当,垦殖率均为0.5%左右。拉萨城区是西藏河谷地区耕地垦殖水平最高的地区,耕地网格平均垦殖率为6.3%,最高达22.5%,其中68.6%的耕地网格垦殖率超过10%,27.8%的耕地网格垦殖率在5%~10%之间,仅有2.8%的耕地网格垦殖率在5%以下;后藏地区的雅鲁藏布江河谷和年楚河沿岸耕地垦殖水平相对较高,该地区有记载称“年楚河东西两岸平野夷旷,田亩纵横 ⋯ 各田庄均有界沟灌溉 ⋯ ”,宽谷和巨大的山麓洪积扇可供耕地开发,日喀则耕地网格平均垦殖率为2.9%,江孜和白朗耕地平均垦殖率也超过1%;贡嘎、乃东、扎囊和琼结等县区耕地网格垦殖率超过1%,这些地区耕地主要分布于宽阔的“U型”河谷及山间盆地中,灌溉便利,开发历史较早,据资料记载,西藏吐蕃王朝和帕竹王朝等历代统治者大多发迹于此,优越的自然条件和悠久的农业开发史使得乃东和琼结地区一度成为西藏政治中心;其他县区耕地网格垦殖率相对低,大多在0.5%左右,雅鲁藏布江中上游的吉隆、聂拉木、定日、定结等由于海拔较高,垦殖率最高为2%,平均耕地网格垦殖率只有0.1%左右,是研究区内耕地垦殖率最低的地区。

5 结论

通过整理、校正《铁虎清册》中1830年有关西藏的耕地差税数据,得出具有现代意义的耕地面积,并用网格化模型将其分配到空间中,得出西藏雅鲁藏布江中游河谷地区1830年耕地格局,并得出以下结论：
（1）从耕地面积的重建结果得出1830年西藏河谷地区耕地面积约895 km2,其中政府占有耕地39%,贵族占有耕地31%,寺庙占有耕地29%。政府和贵族占有耕地分散分布于各个地区,寺院占有耕地主要集中分布在拉萨和日喀则及其周边地区,说明宗教在当时具有十分重要的地位。
（2）从耕地空间格局分析,受严酷自然环境的影响,1830年西藏地区耕地主要分布在雅鲁藏布江干流宽阔的河谷地区,以及雅鲁藏布江各支流河谷地区,全区只有27.4%的网格单元有耕地分布。
（3）从耕地垦殖程度分析,西藏雅鲁藏布江中游河谷地区1830年耕地垦殖强度较低,平均垦殖率只有0.6%,最高垦殖率为22.5%,耕地网格垦殖率达到10%的只有1%,在5%~10%之间的占6.2%,高达92.6%的耕地网格垦殖率在5%以下,有62.2%的耕地网格垦殖率在2%以下,耕地网格垦殖率最高的地区是拉萨城区,平均垦殖率为6.3%;日喀则、江孜、乃东、琼结等地垦殖率达到3%左右;工布地区和西部县区垦殖率均在1%以下。

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

References

Publishing order | Descend order by publishing year | Descend order by cited within
[1]
Ramankutty N, Foley J A.Estimating historical changes in global land cover: Croplands from 1700 to 1992. Global Biogeochemical Cycles, 1999, 13(4): 997-1027.Human activities over the last three centuries have significantly transformed the Earth's environment, primarily through the conversion of natural ecosystems to agriculture. This study presents a simple approach to derive geographically explicit changes in global croplands from 1700 to 1992. By calibrating a remotely sensed land cover classification data set against cropland inventory data, we derived a global representation of permanent croplands in 1992, at 5 min spatial resolution [Ramankutty and Foley, 1998]. To reconstruct historical croplands, we first compile an extensive database of historical cropland inventory data, at the national and subnational level, from a variety of sources. Then we use our 1992 cropland data within a simple land cover change model, along with the historical inventory data, to reconstruct global 5 min resolution data on permanent cropland areas from 1992 back to 1700. The reconstructed changes in historical croplands are consistent with the history of human settlement and patterns of economic development. By overlaying our historical cropland data set over a newly derived potential vegetation data set, we analyze our results in terms of the extent to which different natural vegetation types have been converted for agriculture. We further examine the extent to which croplands have been abandoned in different parts of the world. Our data sets could be used within global climate models and global ecosystem models to understand the impacts of land cover change on climate and on the cycling of carbon and water. Such an analysis is a crucial aid to sharpen our thinking about a sustainable future.

DOI

[2]
Godfray H C, Beddington J R, Crute I R, et al.Food security: The challenge of feeding 9 billion people. Science, 2010, 327(5967): 812-818.Continuing population and consumption growth will mean that the global demand for food will increase for at least another 40 years. Growing competition for land, water, and energy, in addition to the overexploitation of fisheries, will affect our ability to produce food, as will the urgent requirement to reduce the impact of the food system on the environment. The effects of climate change are a further threat. But the world can produce more food and can ensure that it is used more efficiently and equitably. A multifaceted and linked global strategy is needed to ensure sustainable and equitable food security, different components of which are explored here.

DOI PMID

[3]
Klein G K, Beusen A, Drecht G, et al.The HYDE 3.1 spatially explicit database of human-induced global land-use change over the past 12000 years. Global Ecology and Biogeography, 2011, 20(1): 73-86.Aim68 This paper presents a tool for long-term global change studies; it is an update of the History Database of the Global Environment (HYDE) with estimates of some of the underlying demographic and agricultural driving factors. Methods68 Historical population, cropland and pasture statistics are combined with satellite information and specific allocation algorithms (which change over time) to create spatially explicit maps, which are fully consistent on a 5′ longitude/latitude grid resolution, and cover the period 10,000bctoad2000. Results68 Cropland occupied roughly less than 1% of the global ice-free land area for a long time untilad1000, similar to the area used for pasture. In the centuries that followed, the share of global cropland increased to 2% inad1700 ( c . 3 million km 2 ) and 11% inad2000 (15 million km 2 ), while the share of pasture area grew from 2% inad1700 to 24% inad2000 (34 million km 2 ) These profound land-use changes have had, and will continue to have, quite considerable consequences for global biogeochemical cycles, and subsequently global climate change. Main conclusions68 Some researchers suggest that humans have shifted from living in the Holocene (emergence of agriculture) into the Anthropocene (humans capable of changing the Earth's atmosphere) since the start of the Industrial Revolution. But in the light of the sheer size and magnitude of some historical land-use changes (e.g. as result of the depopulation of Europe due to the Black Death in the 14th century and the aftermath of the colonization of the Americas in the 16th century) we believe that this point might have occurred earlier in time. While there are still many uncertainties and gaps in our knowledge about the importance of land use (change) in the global biogeochemical cycle, we hope that this database can help global (climate) change modellers to close parts of this gap.

DOI

[4]
Andersen O B, Crow T R, Lietz S M, et al.Transformation of a landscape in the upper mid-west, USA: The history of the lower St. Croix river valley, 1830 to present. Landscape and Urban Planning, 1996, 35(4): 247-267.Learning the history of a landscape is critical to understanding present land-use patterns. We document the history of landscape change in the lower St. Croix River valley from 1830 to the present. Significant changes in land use and cover have occurred during this time. Because of the convergence of prairie, savanna and forest vegetation in this area, and because of the proximity of the St. Croix River valley to metropolitan Minneapolis/St. Paul (MN), the region is ecologically and culturally very important. A variety of information sources was used to reconstruct the lower St. Croix landscape over time. The primary sources of material were federal census records, records of lumber and agricultural production, descriptive accounts by early settlers and historians, scientific reports, the General Land Office land survey records, maps and photographs. Two periods of rapid change were identified. Change was rapid from 1850 to 1880 as first loggers and then farmers converted a lightly populated landscape of oak savanna, prairie, mixed hardwood and conifer forests and wetlands, maintained by frequent fires, into a largely deforested agricultural landscape. A second period of rapid change was from 1940 to the present as the urban area has expanded outward. Urbanization has further fragmented the remaining areas of natural habitat and has the potential to accelerate soil erosion, stream sediment transport, and oxidation of organic matter. The results of this study illustrate how landscape change can have significant impacts on ecological systems. Understanding the history of landscape change in the lower St. Croix River valley provides an analogue to help understand how other mid-western US landscapes have changed over time.

DOI

[5]
Wulf M, Sommer M, Schmidt R.Forest cover changes in the Prignitz region (NE Germany) between 1790 and 1960 in relation to soils and other driving forces. Landscape Ecology, 2010, 25(2): 299-313.<a name="Abs1"></a>Decadal to centennial land-cover changes are important drivers of many environmental issues, including biodiversity, biogeochemical cycles and, especially, the global carbon balance. In general, changes are well documented over only a few decades. Studies of land-cover changes and its drivers over centuries are rare. Therefore, the main objectives of this study are (1) to trace the development of the actual pattern of forest-open land over 170&nbsp;years, and (2) to associate land-cover classes with site conditions (soils) as well as with other driving forces during three periods (1790&#8211;1838, 1838&#8211;1870, and 1870&#8211;1960). For these purposes, we used a combined approach of GIS-techniques and historical reconstructions from archives. The shifts of percentages for established forests, afforestation, clearings and open land on different soils were checked using a chi square test. From the archives, we obtained information on demographic, political/institutional and economic/technological factors, which are assumed to be drivers for past land-cover changes. Percentages of most land-cover classes hardly differed between the periods. However, established forests remained mainly on sandy soils and, to a large extend, afforestation was realised on sandy soils. Clearings reached high percentages on fluvial sands and organic sediments in the early period. A complex of demographic, political/institutional and economic/technological factors also had a considerable impact on land use/cover change in the Prignitz region. Thus, in addition to the strong association of land-cover classes with soils, our study demonstrated that other driving forces, i.e. political and economic factors, played an important role in the full understanding of land use from the past to the present.

DOI

[6]
Petit C, Lambin E.Long-term land-cover changes in the Belgian Ardennes (1775-1929): Model-based reconstruction vs. historical maps. Global Change Biology, 2002, 8(7): 616-630.Abstract Understanding long-term human-environment interactions requires historical reconstruction of past land-cover changes. The objective of this study is to reconstruct past land-use and land-cover changes in a rural municipality of the Belgian Ardennes over the last 25065years. Two approaches were compared. The first approach produced backward projections based on a mechanistic model which computes the demand for different land uses under the assumption of an equilibrium between the production and consumption of resources. The second approach involved using a series of historical maps to extract directly land-use areas. A stochastic Markov chain model was also used to project backward missing land-cover data in the time series. The consistency between the results obtained with the different approaches suggests that land-use area can be successfully reconstructed on the basis of the mechanistic model, under conditions of a subsistence farming system and a closed economy. Land-use/cover changes in the Belgian Ardennes from 1775 to 1929 were more driven by the interventionist measures of the Belgian government and by technological progress than by the ‘pressure’ of the growing population and livestock. Thanks to agricultural intensification, a decrease in land under human use was supporting increasing human and livestock populations from 1846 to 1880. Reforestation has accelerated since the mid-19th century. This case study illustrates the highly dynamic and non-linear character of land-use change trajectories over long time periods and their strong interactions with the history of societies.

DOI

[7]
Lunt I D, Spooner P G.Using historical ecology to understand patterns of biodiversity in fragmented agricultural landscapes. Journal of Biogeography, 2005, 32(11): 1859-1873.Aim To enhance current attempts to understand biodiversity patterns by using an historical ecology approach to highlight the over-riding influence of land-use history in creating past, current and future patterns of biodiversity in fragmented agricultural landscapes. Methods We develop an integrative conceptual framework for understanding spatial and temporal variations in landscape patterns in fragmented agricultural landscapes by presenting five postulates (hypotheses) which highlight the important role of historical, anthropogenic disturbance regimes. We then illustrate each of these postulates with examples drawn from fragmented woodlands in agricultural areas of south-eastern Australia, and discuss these findings in an international context. Location examples are drawn from agricultural areas in south-eastern Australia. Results We conclude that there is limited potential to refine our understanding of patterns of biodiversity in human-modified landscapes based on traditional concepts of island biogeography, or simple assumptions of ongoing destruction and degradation. Instead, we propose that in agricultural landscapes that were largely cleared over a century ago: (1) present-day remnant vegetation patterns are not accidental, but are logically arrayed due to historic land-use decisions, (2) historic anthropogenic disturbances have a major influence on current ecosystem conditions and diversity patterns, and (3) the condition of remnant ecosystems is not necessarily deteriorating rapidly. Main conclusions An historical ecology approach can enhance our understanding of why different species and ecosystem states occur where they do, and can explain internal variations in ecological conditions within remnant ecosystems, too often casually attributed to the mess of history. This framework emphasizes temporal changes (both past and future) in biotic patterns and processes in fragmented agricultural landscapes. Integration of spatially and temporally explicit historical land-use information into ecological studies can prove extremely useful to test hypotheses of the effects of changes in landscape processes, and to enhance future research, restoration and conservation management activities.

DOI

[8]
Lambin E, Veldkamp A.Key findings of LUCC on its research questions. Global Change Newsletter, 2005, 63: 12-14.

[9]
Pongratz J, Reick C, Raddatz T, et al.A reconstruction of global agricultural areas and land cover for the last millennium. Global Biogeochemical Cycles, 2008, 22(3) :1-16.1] Humans have substantially modified the Earth's land cover, especially by transforming natural ecosystems to agricultural areas. In preindustrial times, the expansion of agriculture was probably the dominant process by which humankind altered the Earth system, but little is known about its extent, timing, and spatial pattern. This study presents an approach to reconstruct spatially explicit changes in global agricultural areas (cropland and pasture) and the resulting changes in land cover over the last millennium. The reconstruction is based on published maps of agricultural areas for the last three centuries. For earlier times, a country-based method is developed that uses population data as a proxy for agricultural activity. With this approach, the extent of cropland and pasture is consistently estimated since AD 800. The resulting reconstruction of agricultural areas is combined with a map of potential vegetation to estimate the resulting historical changes in land cover. Uncertainties associated with this approach, in particular owing to technological progress in agriculture and uncertainties in population estimates, are quantified. About 5 million km 2 of natural vegetation are found to be transformed to agriculture between AD 800 and 1700, slightly more to cropland (mainly at the expense of forested area) than to pasture (mainly at the expense of natural grasslands). Historical events such as the Black Death in Europe led to considerable dynamics in land cover change on a regional scale. The reconstruction can be used with global climate and ecosystem models to assess the impact of human activities on the Earth system in preindustrial times.

DOI

[10]
Cousins S.Analysis of land-cover transitions based on 17th and 18th century cadastral maps and aerial photographs. Landscape Ecology, 2001, 16(1): 41-54.<a name="Abs1"></a>This paper explores the possibility of using non-geometric cadastral maps from the 17th and 18th century together with aerial photographs from 1945 and 1981 to analyse land-cover change in south-east Sweden. Habitats rich in plant species in the European rural landscape seem to be correlated with a long continuity of management. Accurate spatial data from historical data sources are fundamental to understand patterns of vegetation and biodiversity in the present-day landscape. However, traditional methods for rectification of non-geometric maps using corresponding points from orthophotos or modern maps are not satisfying, as internal inaccuracies will remain in the maps. This study presents a method to rectify the maps by local warping, thereby eliminating geometrical irregularities. Further, the land-cover changes were calculated and presented as transition matrices. The extent of arable fields and grasslands were analysed in relation to soil characteristics and continuity of management. The results show a dynamic relation between grassland and arable field, albeit the overall proportions remained almost the same between 17th and 18th centuries: 60% grassland to 32% arable field. The most substantial changes in land-cover were prior to 1945. Today there is 18% grasslands left in the study area, while 56% of the land-cover is arable field. Approximately 8% of present-day land-cover is semi-natural grassland 300 years of age or more. Compared to 300 years ago there is only 1% grassland left on peat and 2% on clay. In contrast, grassland covers associated with bare bedrock have been fairly stable in size. All semi-natural grasslands with a long continuity of management were situated on shallow soils, less than 50 cm depth. The major conclusions from this study are that (i) correctly rectified, old maps are very useful to address questions of land-cover changes in historical time, (ii) general trends in land use over 300 years in this hemi-boreal landscape seem to underestimate the full dynamics of land use change, and (iii) only a small proportion of the semi-natural grassland area had a 300 year continuity of management.

DOI

[11]
Bender O, Boehmer H J, Jens D, et al.Using GIS to analyse long-term cultural landscape change in Southern Germany. Landscape and Urban Planning, 2005, 70(1): 111-125.ABSTRACT Two case studies of cultural landscapes in Southern Germany were conducted to develop appropriate techniques for quantifying and analysing the landscape change since 1850. Methods were derived from geographical landscape change analysis, based on cadastral maps and land registers, and were rendered at a land plot level by the use of GIS. The database for the diachronic GIS, especially cadastral maps and land plot records, are discussed in detail. This study emphasizes that an approach based on a land plot level and using a land record-based GIS provides valuable results relevant for planning processes and nature conservation in changing cultural landscapes.

DOI

[12]
Skaloš J, Weber M, Lipský Z, et al.Using old military survey maps and orthophotograph maps to analyse long-term land cover changes: Case study (Czech Republic). Applied Geography, 2011, 31(2): 426-438.<h2 class="secHeading" id="section_abstract">Abstract</h2><p id="abspara0010">The underlying goal of the study is to further develop and refine an existing method for making a detailed analysis of long-term changes in land cover on the basis of old Military Survey Maps and on orthophotograph maps in the GIS environment. This method may contribute to a better understanding of the long-term landscape dynamics over a period of more than 250 years. The knowledge that is acquired can be applied in landscape planning procedures in order to provide relevant landscape management in the future. The study was carried out in the lowland area of Nov&eacute; Dvory and ?ehu&scaron;ice, Czech Republic, which comprises 21 cadastral units (a total area of 113&nbsp;km<sup>2</sup>). The area is located in Central Bohemia, to the east of the town of Kutn&aacute; Hora, which is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The area of Nov&eacute; Dvory and ?ehu&scaron;ice is an intensively utilized agricultural landscape. The maps of the <span id="bbib74"><a href="#bib74" id="ancbbib74" class="intra_ref">First (1785), Second (1851) and Third Military Surveys (1877)</a></span> and the present-day orthophotograph map of the Czech Republic were used as data resources. They have been digitized, interpreted and analysed in the GIS environment. The changes in the main land cover categories correspond to the change trends in the agricultural landscape types in the Czech Republic as a whole. The most significant features of the dynamic landscape changes in the study area are a decrease in permanent grasslands (from 18% to 5%) and a decrease in water surfaces (from 6% to less than 1%), especially due to pond drainage at the end of 18th century and in the first half of 19th century, as a result of attempts to obtain more arable land. The growth of arable lands was the most remarkable change (from 53% to 67%). The Military Survey Maps provide a suitable basis for analysing and evaluating the development trends in the landscape macrostructure. However, the main shortcoming of the First Military Survey maps is that they suffer from some geodetic inaccuracy, and therefore support only an approximate quantification of the landscape changes between the First Military Survey and the other time horizons. The maps cannot be used for analyses of changes in the landscape microstructure, due to their inaccurate specification of landscape segments, and due to the scale of the original maps (scales ranging from 1:25,000 to 1:28,800), which makes them unusable for evaluating changes at the level of individual plots. When analysing the changes in the line segments on the Military Survey Maps, it is more appropriate to observe the changes in the development of the length characteristics, rather than the changes in the development of the area. Present-day orthophotograph maps are a suitable source material for surveying the state of the land covers, and for evaluating changes to them, over large areas. The legibility of the orthophotograph map depends on many factors, and these need to be taken into consideration. The method used for defining the land cover categories can have a distinct influence on the interpretation of the landscape development in the area under investigation.

DOI

[13]
Veski S, Koppel K, Poska A.Integrated palaeoecological and historical data in the service of fine-resolution land use and ecological change assessment during the last 1000 years in Rõuge, southern Estonia. Journal of Biogeography, 2005, 32(8): 1473-1488.Aims Our aim is to reconstruct decadal scale development of historical landscapes during the last 1000 years by means of fossil pollen analysis of annually laminated lake sediments, and detailed historical maps and documents.Location Lake Rouge Tougjarv (Estonia), a small lake with annually laminated lake sediments situated in a dense prehistoric setting.Methods The chronology of the palaeodata is based on the annual laminations supported by AMS C-14 and Pb-210 dating and Cs-137, Am-241, and spheroidal carbonaceous particle marker horizons. The time-scale and resolution allows fine sampling (the pollen samples generally comprise 3.5 years) and vegetation change reconstruction. Relevant source area of pollen (RSAP) of the lake was estimated, and the statistical zonation, rate of change, palynological richness, and DCA and PCA ordinations were generated on the basis of the pollen data. The historical calibration data set (maps, numerical information on population, domestic stock, farmland division, etc.) is based on archival material preserved in the Estonian Historical Archives.Results The topmost part (0-180 cm) of the sediment column of Lake Rouge Tougjarv, covering the last 1000 years, is visibly laminated carbonaceous gyttja. The varve chronology extends from ad 2000 to ad 1339, with a cumulative +/- 9-year error estimate. Beyond this the chronology is extrapolated using the C-14 date and varve age-depth estimations. The simulation of the RSAP of Lake Tougjarv shows that the major portion of the pollen loading originating from local vegetation is derived from plants growing within 2000 m of the sampling site. The pollen record divides into five statistically significant subgroups, which fall on the PCA plot into three clusters reflecting the general openness-closedness of the landscape. During the period between ad 1000 and 1200 (RT 1) the Rouge area was generally wooded with birch, spruce and pine forests. The advancement of extensive farming gradually opened up

DOI

[14]
Schuppert C, Dix A.Reconstructing former features of the cultural landscape near Early Celtic Princely Seats in Southern Germany: A GIS-based application of large-scale historical maps and archival sources as a contribution to archaeological research. Social Science Computer Review, 2009, 27(3): 420-436.This study deals with the historical-geographical investigation of settlement structures of the early Iron Age in Central Europe using historical sources in cartographic and written form. To process and analyze the data from different sources and present the results, a Geographic Information System (GIS) is used. The results contribute to the exploration of both the historical topography of the so-called Early Celtic Princely Seats and the ecological and economic factors which contributed to their genesis.

DOI

[15]
Galatowitsch S.Using the original land survey notes to reconstruct presettlement landscapes in the American West. Western North American Naturalist, 1990, 50(2): 181-191.Topics discussed include methods used by field survey crews during 1796-1925, limitations in interpreting survey data and site-specific applications to establish presettlement conditions of riparian habitats in Colorado and Oregon, and grasslands in Colorado and New Mexico.

DOI

[16]
Rhemtulla J M, Mladenoff D J, Clayton M K.Historical forest baselines reveal potential for continued carbon sequestration. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2009, 106(15): 6082-6087.One-third of net CO(2) emissions to the atmosphere since 1850 are the result of land-use change, primarily from the clearing of forests for timber and agriculture, but quantifying these changes is complicated by the lack of historical data on both former ecosystem conditions and the extent and spatial configuration of subsequent land use. Using fine-resolution historical survey records, we reconstruct pre-EuroAmerican settlement (1850s) forest carbon in the state of Wisconsin, examine changes in carbon after logging and agricultural conversion, and assess the potential for future sequestration through forest recovery. Results suggest that total above-ground live forest carbon (AGC) fell from 434 TgC before settlement to 120 TgC at the peak of agricultural clearing in the 1930s and has since recovered to approximately 276 TgC. The spatial distribution of AGC, however, has shifted significantly. Former savanna ecosystems in the south now store more AGC because of fire suppression and forest ingrowth, despite the fact that most of the region remains in agriculture, whereas northern forests still store much less carbon than before settlement. Across the state, continued sequestration in existing forests has the potential to contribute an additional 69 TgC. Reforestation of agricultural lands, in particular, the formerly high C-density forests in the north-central region that are now agricultural lands less optimal than those in the south, could contribute 150 TgC. Restoring historical carbon stocks across the landscape will therefore require reassessing overall land-use choices, but a range of options can be ranked and considered under changing needs for ecosystem services.

DOI PMID

[17]
Benitez J A, Fisher T R.Historical land-cover conversion (1665-1820) in the Choptank watershed, eastern United States. Ecosystems, 2004, 7(3): 219-232.<a name="Ab1"></a>Land-cover changes in the Choptank basin were estimated for 1665&#x2013;1820 by using historical socioeconomic data and crop-rotation models. Socioeconomic data (human population, output per laborer, and crop yields) were obtained from the literature, whereas crop-rotation models, based on historical records, represented how agriculture was practiced. Model parameters and output were validated with export records, census data, and other historical records, and model errors were estimated to be approximately 5%. This approach indicated a sigmoidal pattern for conversion of primary forest to agricultural land by 1800. The initial time period, 1665&#x2013;1720, was characterized by low-intensity tobacco and corn cultivation. Due to long fallows, the models indicated that there was little land in crops (approximately 5% of the region), but larger areas of secondary forest occurred on former cropland (approximately 15%). Although primary forest decreased, the initial result in the first 55 years was a low net rate of deforestation and occupation by low-intensity farms. However, after 1720, cropland expanded rapidly due to the use of wheat as a cash crop. From 1720 to 1775, primary and secondary forest rapidly disappeared, increasing agricultural land to 60% of the region. By 1800, approximately 80% was estimated to be converted to agriculture, and little primary forest remained. After 1800, the land needed for crops decreased due to improved management practices and crop yields, and some secondary forest on formerly cleared agricultural sites may have reappeared. We estimate that less than 150 years of European colonization resulted in virtually complete agriculturalization of a primarily forested landscape.

DOI

[18]
Hamandawana H, Eckardt F, Chanda R.Linking archival and remotely sensed data for long-term environmental monitoring. International Journal of Applied Earth Observation and Geoinformation, 2005, 7(4): 284-298.The broad objective of this paper is to illustrate how archival, historical and remotely sensed data can be used to complement each other for long-term environmental monitoring. One of the major constraints confronting scientific investigation in the area of long-term environmental monitoring is lack of data at the required temporal and spatial scales. While remotely sensed data have provided dependable change detection databases since 1972, long-term changes such as those associated with typical climate scenarios often require longer time series data. The lack of data in readily accessible and usable formats for periods predating commercial satellite products has for a long time restricted the scope of environmental studies to temporally brief, synoptic overviews covering short time scales, thereby compromising our understanding of complex environmental processes. One way to improve this understanding is by cross-linking different forms of data at different temporal scales. However, most remote sensing based change research has tended to marginalize the utility of archival and historical sources in environmental monitoring. While the accuracy of data from non-instrumental records is often source-specific and varies from place to place, carefully conducted searches can yield useful information that can be effectively used to extend the temporal coverage of projects dependant on time series data. This paper is based on an ongoing project on environmental monitoring in the world's largest Ramsar site, the Okavango Delta, located on the northeastern fringes of Southern Africa's Kalahari-Namib desert in northern Botswana. With a database covering over 150 years between 1849 and 2001, the primary objectives of this paper are to: (1) outline how modern remotely sensed data (i.e., CORONA and Landsat) can be complemented by historical in situ observations (i.e., travellers' records and archival maps) to extend temporal coverage into the historical past, (2) illustrate that different forms of declassified Cold War intelligence data (i.e., CORONA) can be constructively exploited to further scientific understanding and (3) provide a conceptual framework for collating and disseminating data at regional and international levels through electronic media.

DOI

[19]
曹雪, 金晓斌, 王金朔, 等. 近300年中国耕地数据集重建与耕地变化分析. 地理学报, 2014, 69(7): 896-906.针对中国历史时期不同政体耕地记录的特点，分别采用因素修正、引用替换、线性内插、衔接对比、人地关系检验、垦殖趋势检验、行政面积比例调整等方法对历史耕地数据进行修正，重建了基于现代省界的近300 年中国分省耕地数据集，从数量角度对中国耕地总量和分省耕地变动特点进行分析，得到以下主要结论：① 在耕地总量上，SAGE和周荣的数据明显高估，本文结果与HYDE、CHCD和章有义数据的平均差异率在15%以下；但在省域尺度上，与SAGE、HYDE数据库存在明显差异，相对差异率&gt;30%的省份比重分别为94%和61%，与CHCD数据较为接近，相对差异率&gt;30%的省份比重为22%，但部分省份差异明显，仍需进一步分析研究；② 伴随清中期后的人口爆炸，近300 年中国耕地增长近3.2 倍，由清朝初年的42.4&times;10<sup>6</sup> hm<sup>2</sup> 增加至1985 年的136.9&times;10<sup>6</sup> hm<sup>2</sup> ，根据增长速率变化可分为五个阶段，即清前中期快速增长阶段、清后期低速增长阶段、民国时期波动阶段、建国初期剧烈增长阶段和建国后耕地流失阶段，影响耕地变化主要是国家政策、战乱、经济发展等驱动因素。③ 从省域尺度看，近300 年中国各区域耕地变化差异显著。清初，中国耕地主要集中于长江中下游平原、黄淮海平原、关中盆地及银川平原等地，此后，内地的垦殖活动不断增强，外围农区呈由南向北的趋势不断开荒。建国后，耕地开垦逐步向西北和东北方向发展。

DOI

[Cao Xue, Jin Xiaobin, Wang Jinshuo, et al.Reconstruction and change analysis of cropland data of China in recent 300 years. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2014, 69(7): 896-906.]

[20]
何凡能, 李士成, 张学珍. 北宋中期耕地面积及其空间分布格局重建. 地理学报, 2011, 66(11): 1531-1539.以北宋暖期为研究时段,依据历史文献中有关&ldquo;田亩&rdquo;与&ldquo;户额&rdquo;的记载资料,通过对赋役、户籍、土地等制度的考证,订正了北宋中期各路耕地面积和府级人口数量；并以地面坡度、海拔高程和人口密度作为影响土地宜垦程度的主导因子,网格化重建了北宋中期境内耕地空间分布格局(60 km&times;60 km)。结果表明：(1) 北宋中期境内耕地约7.2 亿亩,北方占40.1%,南方占59.9%；人口数量为8720 万人,北方占38.7%,南方占61.3%；境内土地垦殖率为16.6%,人均耕地面积为8.2 亩。(2) 垦殖率较大的地区主要分布在黄淮海平原、长江中下游平原、关中平原、两湖平原以及四川盆地等,其垦殖率基本在40%以上；而岭南、西南(除成都平原外)、东南沿海和山陕黄土高原等地区垦殖率较低,其垦殖率大多小于20%。(3) 耕地分布在不同海拔高度和坡度上存在明显差异,其中低海拔(&lt; 250m)、中海拔(250~1000 m) 和高海拔(1000~3500 m) 地区的耕地分别为4.43、2.15 和0.64 亿亩,其相应平均垦殖率为27.5%、12.6%和7.2%；而平耕地(&le; 2&deg;)、缓坡耕地(2&deg;~6&deg;)、坡耕地(6&deg;~15&deg;) 和陡坡耕地(&gt;15&deg;) 的面积分别为1.16、4.56、1.44 和0.02 亿亩,其平均垦殖率分别为34.6%、20.7%、8.5%和2.3%。

[He Fanneng, Li Shicheng, Zhang Xuezhen.The reconstruction of cropland area and its spatial distribution pattern in the mid-northern Song Dynasty. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2011, 66(11): 1531-1539.]

[21]
林珊珊, 郑景云, 何凡能. 中国传统农区历史耕地数据网格化方法. 地理学报, 2008, 63(1): 83-92.lt;p>建立具有空间属性的历史时期土地覆被数据集有助于更好地模拟土地覆被变化的气候 与生态效应。根据我国历史时期土地开发利用的特点, 深入分析了影响我国历史时期土地开 发利用的主导因子, 量化了海拔高度、坡度、人口分布等自然及人文要素与耕地分布的关系, 并以此为依据设计了一套将我国传统农区历史耕地数据网格化的方法与算法模型, 计算各网 格(分辨率为60 km&times;60 km) 耕地面积占整个农区耕地总面积的比重、以及各网格的耕地面 积与垦殖率; 同时利用基于《嘉庆重修一统志》重建的中国传统农区历史耕地资料, 采用上 述方法与算法建立了研究区内1820 年(清嘉庆二十五年) 60 km&times;60 km 空间尺度的耕地数据 集, 并绘制了分布图。重建结果与册载府级田亩数据的比较分析表明: 该方法与算法可以有 效地将以行政区域为统计单元的中国历史耕地数据量化为具有统一且更高空间分辨率的网格 化数据集。</p>

DOI

[Lin Shanshan, Zheng Jingyun, He Fanneng.The approach for gridding data derived from historical cropland records of the traditional cultivated region in China. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2008, 63(1): 83-92.]

[22]
Li Shicheng, He Fanneng, Zhang Xuezhen.An approach to spatially explicit reconstruction of historical forest in Northeast China. Journal of Geographical Sciences, 2014, 24(6): 1022-1034.<p>The spatially explicit reconstruction of historical land-cover datasets plays an important role in studying the climatic and ecological effects of land-use and land-cover change (LUCC). Using potential natural vegetation (PNV) and satellite-based land use data, we determined the possible maximum distribution extent of forest cover in the absence of human disturbance. Subsequently, topography and climate factors were selected to assess the suitability of land for cultivation. Finally, a historical forest area allocation model was devised on the basis of the suitability of land for cultivation. As a case study, we used the historical forest area allocation model to reconstruct forest cover for 1780 and 1940 in Northeast China with a 10-km resolution. To validate the model, we compared satellite-based forest cover data with our reconstruction for 2000. A one-sample t-test of absolute bias showed that the two-tailed significance was 0.12, larger than the significant level 0.05, suggesting that the model has strong ability to capture the spatial distribution of forests. In addition, we calculated the relative difference of our reconstruction at the county scale for 1780 in Northeast China. The number of counties whose relative difference ranged from -30% to 30% is 99, accounting for 74.44% of all counties. These findings demonstrated that the provincial forest area could be transformed into forest cover maps well using the model.</p>

DOI

[23]
叶瑜, 方修琦, 张学珍, 等. 过去300年东北地区林地和草地覆盖变化. 北京林业大学学报, 2009, 31(5): 137-144.东北地区是我国森林、草场资源最为丰富的地区之一。近300年来,耕地扩张、森林砍伐、草地退化等所导致的显著土地覆盖变化会通过对陆-气之间碳通量和地表反照率的改变,进而对气候系统产生影响。该文采用历史文献分析、原始潜在植被恢复等方法,结合驱动力分析,重建了过去300年东北地区林地和草地自然覆盖变化状况。可提供空间分辨率至县、时间分辨率约为100年的东北地区林地和草地覆盖数据,为气候模拟、碳排放估计等相关研究提供真实的历史数据;得到对过去300年,东北地区林地和草地覆盖变化特征的认识：过去300年,东北地区林地、草地所占比例分别减少了约15%、10%;18—19世纪,东北的天然植被覆盖几乎处于原始状态,林地、草地减少的地区主要集中在辽东、辽西等农垦区;1900—1950年为林地、草地减少最为迅速的时期,辽东、辽西的天然植被几乎均被破坏殆尽,鸭绿江流域、长白山地区森林减少十分显著,草地界线已明显向西退缩;20世纪后半期,林地覆盖在空间上呈扩张趋势,局部地区仍在减少,而草地覆盖在空间上则一直呈缩小趋势。

[Ye Yu, Fang Xiuqi, Zhang Xuezhen, et al.Coverage changes of forestland and grassland in northeastern China during the past 300 years. Journal of Beijing Forestry University, 2009, 31(5): 137-144.]

[24]
张丽娟, 姜蓝齐, 张学珍, 等. 19世纪末黑龙江省的耕地覆盖重建. 地理学报, 2014, 69(4): 448-458.揭示过去100年尺度上的土地利用/覆盖变化是认识人类活动对气候和环境影响的基础。本文在充分吸收既有成果的基础上，利用历史文献中的县（府、州、厅） 级耕地面积记录，通过构建综合聚落、地形和水系信息的垦殖倾向指数模型，在1 km&times;1 km像元尺度上重建了黑龙江省19 世纪末的耕地覆盖，并与基于卫星遥感反演的2009年的耕地覆盖进行了对比。结果表明，黑龙江省19世纪末的耕地总面积为25397.00 km<sup>2</sup>，主要分布于中南部，其中在海伦市、巴彦县、五常市、呼兰区、双城市、望奎县有集中分布；2009年的耕地面积为163808.70 km<sup>2</sup>，广布于西南部、中南部和东北部。20 世纪期间，黑龙江省耕地面积增加了138411.70 km<sup>2</sup>，与之对应，垦殖率由5.60%增加至36.20%，增幅为30.6%。这意味着，20世纪农业开垦改变了黑龙江省30.6%的自然地表性质，其中，大约60962.00 km<sup>2</sup> （约占新增耕地的44.00%） 来自对森林的开垦，这部分新增耕地主要出现在东北部和西部边缘地区。本文的重建结果为进一步研究20世纪农业垦殖的气候、生态和环境效应提供了高分辨率的基础数据。

DOI

[Zhang Lijuan, Jiang Lanqi, Zhang Xuezhen, et al.Reconstruction of cropland over Heilongjiang province in the late 19th century. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2014, 69(4): 448-458.]

[25]
何凡能, 李士成, 张学珍. 清代西南地区森林空间格局网格化重建. 地理研究, 2014, 33(2): 260-269.基于遥感土地利用数据和全球潜在植被数据，确定了中国西南地区土地垦殖前森林植被可能的分布范围，并通过量化地形（海拔、坡度）和气候生产潜力（光照、温度、水分）与农林地分布间的关系，构建了土地宜垦性评估模型和历史森林面积网格化分配模型，重建了清代西南地区5个时点、分辨率为10 km&times;10 km的森林空间格局。结果表明：①本文设计的森林空间格局网格化重建方法具有一定的可行性，其结果能较好地反映森林变迁历史过程的基本特征；②西南地区森林覆被率从雍正二年（1724年）的54.7%下降至宣统三年（1911年）的27.8%，其减少地区主要分布在四川盆地、云南中南部以及贵州大部；③从网格占比的变化趋势看，1724-1911年，西南地区森林覆被率小于10%的网格占比上升了约31个百分点，而覆被率大于80%的网格占比则下降了约13个百分点。

DOI

[He Fanneng, Li Shicheng, Zhang Xuezhen.Spatially explicit reconstruction of forest cover of Southwest China in the Qing Dynasty. Geographical Research, 2014, 33(2): 260-269.]

[26]
李柯, 何凡能, 张学珍. 基于MODIS数据网格化重建历史耕地空间分布的方法: 以清代云南省为例. 地理研究, 2011, 30(12): 2281-2288.建立具有准确空间属性的历史时期土地覆被数据集有助于更好地模拟土地覆被变化的过程及其效应。本文基于我国过去300年耕地面积总体呈持续增加的特点,提出了历史时期耕地分布范围未超出现代耕地范围的合理假设,并以地表高程和坡度为影响土地宜垦程度的主导因子,评估了MODIS土地覆被产品中现代耕地分布区域的宜垦程度,再按宜垦程度从高到低的顺序,将依据历史文献资料订正的以行政单元为统计单位的耕地面积分配至网格。利用这一方法,重建了清代云南省1671年和1827年两个时间断面空间分辨率为90m的耕地空间分布格局。结果表明:该方法可有效地将历史耕地统计数据转化为具有较高空间分辨率的网格数据,其结果基本能够反映历史耕地空间格局的变化情况。

[Li Ke, He Fanneng, Zhang Xuezhen.An approach to reconstructing spatial distribution of historical cropland with grid-boxes by utilizing MODIS land cover dataset: A case study of Yunnan province in the Qing Dynasty. Geographical Research, 2011, 30(12): 2281-2288.]

[27]
李士成, 何凡能, 陈屹松. 清代西南地区耕地空间格局网格化重建. 地理科学进展, 2012, 31(9): 1196-1203.本文以现代耕地分布格局为基础, 通过量化地形(海拔、坡度)、气候生产潜力(光照、温度、水分)和人口密度等因子与耕地空间分布的关系, 重建了清代西南地区6 个时点分辨率为10 km&times;10 km的耕地数据。结果表明:①就整体而言, 清代西南地区耕地空间格局的变化表现在两个方面:一是垦殖范围的扩张, 1661-1911 年土地垦殖率在0~10%的网格占比减少了约24%, 主要分布在四川盆地和云贵高原;二是垦殖强度的提高, 1661-1911 年垦殖率大于30%的网格占比提高了10.3%, 最为显著的是四川盆地和云南中东部地区。②就清代西南地区耕地数量增减来看, 整个时段可划分为3 个阶段:前期(1661-1724 年) &ldquo;复原性&rdquo;垦殖, 60 多年间土地垦殖率在0~10%的网格占比减少了11.4%;中期(1724-1820 年)缓慢&ldquo;拓展性&rdquo;垦殖, 全区垦殖率在0~10%的网格占比下降约7%, 在30%以上的网格占比提高约7%;后期(1820-1911 年)局部抛荒与再垦, 垦殖率在0~10%的网格占比从75.0%降至72.2%, 在30%以上的网格占比从9.1%提高至10.9%。相关分析表明, 本文网格化重建的清代西南地区的耕地空间格局具有一定的合理性。

DOI

[Li Shicheng, He Fanneng, Chen Yisong.Gridding reconstruction of cropland spatial patterns in southwest China in the Qing dynasty. Progress in Geogrephy, 2012, 31(9): 1196-1203.]

[28]
赵赟. 苏皖地区土地利用及其驱动力机制(1500-1937). 上海: 复旦大学博士学位论文, 2005.土地利用／i地覆盖变化”(LUCC)研究是当今国际科学研究的前沿领域，是全球环 境变化科学关注的核心内容之一，也是目前国内外学术界一个十分热门的跨学科课题。本论文在广泛占有资料和全面把握前人研究的基础上，利用历史地理学、地理 信息系统GIS及统计学SAS分析技术，比较认真、系统地总结了历史土地数据存在的四大误差(系统误差、区划误差、技术误差和感觉误差)，开创性地提出了 将纳税单位转化、校准为可以信赖的面积单位的可行性途径，并以此完成了苏皖地区明后期、清中期分县耕地面积的重建和修正。从而用比较翔实的数据揭示了明清 以降苏皖地区土地利用的... 展开 “土地利用／i地覆盖变化” (LUCC)研究是当今国际科学研究的前沿领域，是全球环境变化科学关注的核心内容之一，也是目前国内外学术界一个十分热门的跨学科课题。本论文在广泛占 有资料和全面把握前人研究的基础上，利用历史地理学、地理信息系统GIS及统计学SAS分析技术，比较认真、系统地总结了历史土地数据存在的四大误差(系 统误差、区划误差、技术误差和感觉误差)，开创性地提出了将纳税单位转化、校准为可以信赖的面积单位的可行性途径，并以此完成了苏皖地区明后期、清中期分 县耕地面积的重建和修正。从而用比较翔实的数据揭示了明清以降苏皖地区土地利用的空间分异及开发时序。进而在剖析典型区域(皖南山区、苏北沿海)土地利用 变化基本形态的基础上，深入探讨了驱动力机制问题。 同时也应看到，修正数据向来存在着极大的风险，它必须同时满足许多苛刻的条件。为此，本课题不打算争论绝对意义上的真实，没有哪一种土地调查统计是完全无 误差的。本课题始终遵循着尽量缩小误差、把误差控制在一定范围的要求，并为此一再强调：任何测量(统计)都存在误差，误差只能缩小，不能消除；数据的可信 度很大程度依赖于对误差的控制，即在某个范围内是允许的，或高或低都是允许的。从这个意义上说，本课题所做的努力颇具建设性，重建、修正后的分县耕地数据 是经得起检验的，并将此问题的研究扎扎实实向前推进了一大步。本论文的探索不仅处于该领域的前沿高度，而且对类似研究及当今区域可持续发展均有一定的可资 借鉴意义。当然，囿于资料、技术和学力的限制，“顾此失彼”在所难免，一些不完善的地方将随时依据新的实证成果作出改进。 收起

DOI

[Zhao Yun.Land use and its driving force mechanismin the regions of Su-Wan (1500-1937). Shanghai: Doctoral Dissertation of Fudan University, 2005.]

[29]
龙瀛, 金晓斌, 李苗裔, 等.利用约束性CA重建历史时期耕地空间格局: 以江苏省为例. 地理研究, 2014, 33(12): 2239-2250.lt;p>历史时期耕地空间格局重建是土地利用/土地覆被变化研究(LUCC)的重要组成部分,受到了国内外学术界的广泛关注。已有研究多采用基于总量进行空间分配的方法。考虑到耕地连续性分布及相关空间约束特点,基于约束性元胞自动机提出重建历史时期空间格局的方法,给出了模型建立、参数识别和结果验证的方法,结合数据可获得性,以江苏省为例进行了模型应用。通过与空间分配方法进行对比,结果表明该方法能较为客观地反映历史时期耕地空间格局的演变过程,可为历史耕地研究提供新的方法借鉴。</p>

DOI

[Long Ying, Jin Xiaobin, Li Miaoyi, et al.A constrained cellular automata model for reconstructinghistorical arable land in Jiangsu province. Geographical Research, 2014, 33(12): 2239-2250.]

[30]
颉耀文, 王学强, 汪桂生, 等. 基于网格化模型的黑河流域中游历史时期耕地分布模拟. 地球科学进展, 2013, 28(1): 71-78.<p>黑河流域悠久的农业开发史和历史文献为研究历史时期耕地空间分布格局变化提供了有利条件。根据黑河流域历史时期土地开发利用的特点，深入分析了海拔、坡度、土壤、人口等自然及人文主导因子与耕地分布的关系，遴选出对耕地分布具有明显作用且易量化的影响因子，并以此为依据设计了一套历史耕地数据网格化模型，模拟了黑河流域历史时期耕地分布趋势。采用人均耕地面积与粮食单产2种途径，估算了明代以前黑河中游耕地面积总量。基于该模型并结合古遗址、遥感影像判别的结果，重建了黑河流域中游地区明代以前耕地的空间分布。</p>

[Xie Yaowen, Wang Xueqiang, Wang Guisheng, et al.Cultivated land distribution simulation based on grid in middle reaches of Heihe River basin in the historical periods. Advances in Earth Science, 2013, 28(1): 71-78.]

[31]
颉耀文, 汪桂生. 黑河流域历史时期水资源利用空间格局重建. 地理研究, 2014, 33(10): 1977-1991.黑河流域水资源开发利用的空间格局历史演变在中国西北干旱区具有典型性和代表性,对其进行复原并总结经验教训,对现代水资源开发具有宝贵的借鉴意义。利用历史文献、古今地图、遥感影像等资料,结合实地考察,在地理信息系统技术的支持下,对黑河流域历史时期水资源利用的空间格局进行重建,并分析其演变过程。结果表明: 该区域大规模的农业水资源利用开始于汉代,其范围覆盖流域中下游沿河平原和三角洲的大部分地区。魏晋南北朝时期虽然总体上承袭了汉代的格局,但局部地区萎缩明显。隋唐时期,中游地区灌区规模较大,但随着唐中叶吐蕃的入侵而遭破坏。宋元时期,水资源开发利用仅在主要绿洲的核心区有所分布。明、清直至民国时期,中游地区渠系增加,密度增大,灌区出现沿河向上的溯源扩展和由近岸向两侧的外延扩展,一些地势较高的山前绿洲也被开垦,水资源利用强度持续增加、规模扩大,最终奠定了现代水资源开发利用的空间格局。但是,此时的下游却处于游牧状态,无大规模开发活动。可以发现,明代以前水资源开发利用波动频繁,兴废不定;而明代以来,中游灌区规模稳定扩大和下游萧条情况形成鲜明对比。水资源利用引起尾闾湖萎缩、土地盐渍化、沙漠化等生态问题逐渐显现。

DOI

[ Xie Yaowen,Wang Guisheng. Reconstruction of historic spatial pattern for water resources utilization in the Heihe River basin. Geographical Research, 2014, 33(10): 1977-1991.]

[32]
罗静, 张镱锂, 刘峰贵, 等. 青藏高原东北部河湟谷地1726年耕地格局重建. 地理研究, 2014, 33(7): 1285-1296.整理、校正了1726 年（雍正四年）河湟谷地历史文献中的田亩数据，并在GIS技术的支持下建立了该区1726 年具有空间属性（2 km&times;2 km）的耕地分布格局。结果显示：1726 年河湟谷地耕地总面积为1.427&times;10<sup>3</sup> km<sup>2</sup>，其中番地占64.7%，屯科秋站垦地占35.3%。河湟谷地虽然面积较大，但受自然环境条件的限制，可耕之地较少，该区仅有47%的网格具有耕地分布，耕地集中分布在湟水河干流区及大通河中游地区和龙羊峡以下的黄河谷地。从耕地垦殖强度分析，受自然环境条件和政治格局的双重影响，1726 年该区整体垦殖率较低，全区仅有1.4%的耕地网格垦殖率在40%以上，而68.3%的耕地网格垦殖率在10%以下，正处在广泛的开荒垦殖阶段。垦殖强度在空间分布上也存在明显差异，其中西宁县整体垦殖率水平最高，其耕地网格平均垦殖率达到了13.5%。

DOI

[ Luo Jing, Zhang Yili, Liu Fenggui, et al. Reconstruction of cropland spatial patterns for 1726 on Yellow River-Huangshui River Valley in northeast Qinghai-Tibet Plateau. Geographical Research, 2014, 33(7): 1285-1296.]

[33]
Li Beibei, Fang Xiuqi, Ye Yu, et al.Accuracy assessment of global historical cropland dataset on regional reconstructed historical data: A case study in northeast China. Science China: Earth Sciences, 2010, 53(11): 1689-1699.

[34]
摆万奇, 姚丽娜, 张镱锂, 等. 近35a西藏拉萨河流域耕地时空变化趋势. 自然资源学报, 2014, 29(4): 623-632.利用4期卫星遥感资料,分析了 1976—2011年西藏拉萨河流域耕地时空变化趋势。结果表明:①近35 a拉萨河流域耕地从5.63×104hm2增加到6.56×104hm2,占流域总面积比例从1.71%上升到2.00%。其中,1976—1988年为 缓慢增长期,年增长率为0.09%,1988—2006年为快速增长期,年增长率为0.59%,2006—2011年为急速增长期,年增长率达 0.86%。耕地增加主要来自草地,耕地减少则主要源于建设用地扩张。②耕地聚集度从下游到上游不断减少,其中拉萨市耕地聚集度最高但下降最快。耕地空间 变化表现为中游以耕地增加为主,下游以耕地减少为主。中游的墨竹工卡县具有最高的耕地相对变化率,因而区域差异度最大。③耕地扩张不断向更高海拔和更大坡 度的范围推进,其中4 000~4 200 m海拔高度和5°~10°坡度范围的耕地净增加量最多。

DOI

[Bai Wanqi, Yao Lina, Zhang Yili, et al.Spatial-temporal dynamics of cultivated land in recent 35 years in the Lasa River Basin of Tibet. Journal of Natural Resources, 2014, 29(4): 623-632.]

[35]
Karl E R.Land use/cover change in central Tibet, 1830-1990: Devising a GIS methodology to study a historical Tibetan land decree. The Geographical Journal, 2001, 167(4): 342-357.In this study, historical Tibetan tax-related data pertaining to cultivated land in central Tibet are studied by means of GIS and compared with contemporary patterns. A Tibetan land decree from 1830 contains aggregated data on the amount of land-based tax units for estates in 57 districts of central Tibet. The purpose of this study is to devise a GIS methodology to study the potential utility of these data for historical geographical research, and to determine the approximate changes in cultivated land areas between 1830 and 1990. Traditional Tibetan tax data are significant for current efforts to construct historical land cover databases of the Tibetan Plateau region for the study of the human dimensions of global change.

DOI

[36]
冯永恒, 张时煌, 何凡能, 等. 20世纪中国耕地格网化数据分区重建. 地理科学进展, 2014, 33(11): 1546-1555.针对中国国家尺度层面耕地历史数据集的缺乏,提出了分区建模的方案.首先,将中国定性划分为四大区域,即传统农区、东北地区、西北地区、青藏地区;在此基础上,分别量化地形、人口要素与耕地分布之间的关系,构建空间格网化模型.利用该方案,重建了中国1913、1933、1950、1970、1990 和2000 年6 个时间断面空间分辨率为10 km的格网化耕地数据.对比1990 年的重建结果与遥感解译结果,发现无论是县域尺度,还是栅格尺度,数据集的准确性都较高.对重建的耕地数据集进行分析发现,近百年来中国的耕地面积出现先增后减的趋势,拐点大体在20 世纪后期,不仅是耕地总量的先增后减,而且垦殖强度也是先增后减,但区域之间并不一致,其中变化较大的是东北和西北地区.

DOI

[Feng Yongheng, Zhang Shihuang, He Fanneng, et al.Separate reconstruction of Chinese cropland grid data in the 20th century. Progress in Geography, 2014, 33(11): 1546-1555.]

[37]
罗静, 陈琼, 刘峰贵, 等. 青藏高原河谷地区历史时期耕地格局重建方法探讨: 以河湟谷地为例. 地理科学进展, 2015, 34(2): 207-216.青藏高原受其特殊自然地理环境条件的限制,耕地主要分布在自然环境条件相对优越的河谷地区,人为因素对耕地分布范围的作用和影响极其微弱,尤其是在历史时期生产力水平较低的前提下,耕地的空间分布主要取决于土地的宜垦程度。本文将影响青藏高原河谷地区耕地分布的因子按其性质分为限制性因子和非限制性因子,并以此为基础排除了高原河谷地区不适宜耕作的地区,在适宜耕作的地区根据土地的宜垦程度,按&#x0201c;先优后劣&#x0201d;的原则将历史时期的耕地数据分配到空间上。选取青藏高原农业发展历史悠久的河谷地区之一河湟谷地作为实例,重建该区1726年耕地空间格局。将重建结果与已有的M模型重建结果进行对比分析,两者重建的耕地在空间分布上呈现出一致性,但重建结果在垦殖范围与垦殖强度上存在一定的差异;M模型的重建主要是以现代耕地分布格局为基础重建,忽略了现代耕地空间分布受现代农业技术的影响;而本文模型则是从低生产力水平前提下影响历史时期耕地分布的因子出发,重建结果更具合理性。

DOI

[Luo Jing, Chen Qiong, Liu Fenggui, et al.Methods for reconstructing historical cropland spatial distribution of the Yellow River-Huangshui River valley in Tibetan Plateau. Progress in Geography, 2015, 34(2): 207-216.]

[38]
李士成, 张镱锂, 何凡能. 过去百年青海和西藏耕地空间格局重建及其时空变化. 地理科学进展, 2015, 34(2): 197-206.网格化的历史土地利用/覆被数据集,可为历史气候变化和碳循环研究提供基础数据。本文估算了1910年,并订正了1950-2000年青海和西藏的省域耕地面积数据;基于现代耕地空间格局,量化了海拔高程和地面坡度与耕地空间分布之间的关系,构建了历史耕地网格化重建模型。将1910、1960、1980和2000年的省域耕地面积数据带入网格化重建模型,得到了4个时间断面的耕地空间格局。结果表明：青藏两省耕地面积1910-1950年稳定,1950-1980年快速增加,1980-2000年基本稳定,略有降低。就空间格局而言,1960-1980年,河湟谷地和&#x0201c;一江两河&#x0201d;地区土地开垦范围的扩张和垦殖强度的增长在过去百年最为明显。模型检验表明,模型重建的2000年耕地空间格局与2000年遥感数据相关系数达0.92。

DOI

[Li Shicheng, Zhang Yili, He Fanneng.Reconstruction of cropland distribution in Qinghai and Tibet for the past one hundred years and its spatiotemporal changes. Progress in Geography, 2015, 34(2): 197-206.]

[39]
陈崇凯. 西藏地方经济史. 兰州: 甘肃人民出版社, 2008.

[Chen Chongkai.The Economic History in Tibet. Lanzhou: Gansu People's Publishing House, 2008.]

[40]
霍巍. 西藏高原史前农业的考古学探索. 民族研究, 2013, (2): 110-121.本文对西藏史前人工栽培作物、 农业生产工具等考古发现和既有研究进行了梳理,揭示出高原史前农业的基本面貌与发展水平,着重对粟与青稞这两种最重要的史前农作物的出现年代、传播路线、 分布状况以及对史前人类生活所产生的重要影响作了阐述,并从这一视角出发,对西藏史前农业与中原地区农业文明之间的关系有所探讨。

[Huo Wei.The archeological discoveries about the prehistoric agriculture in the Tibetan Plateau. Ethno-National Studies, 2013, (2): 110-121.]

[41]
阿旺罗桑嘉措. 西藏王臣记. 北京: 民族出版社, 1983.

[Nag-dban-blo-bzan. Xi Zang Wang Chen Ji. Beijing: The Ethnic Publishing Press, 1983.]

[42]
索南坚赞. 西藏王统记. 北京: 民族出版社, 2000.

[Suonanjianzan. Xi Zang Wang Tong Ji. Beijing: The Ethnic Publishing Press, 2000.]

[43]
王尧. 吐蕃金石录. 北京: 文物出版社, 1982.

[Wang Yao.Tubo Jin Shi Lu. Beijing: Cultural Relics Press, 1982.]

[44]
刘立千. 续藏史鉴. 成都:华西大学出版社, 1945.

[Liu Liqian.Xu Zang Shi Jian. Chengdu: Huaxi University Press, 1945.]

[45]
陈庆英, 高淑芬.西藏通史. 郑州:中州古籍出版社, 2003.

[Chen Qingying, Gao Shufen.General History of Tibet. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Publishing House, 2003.]

[46]
罗莉. 试析西藏封建农奴制下的庄园经济与寺院经济. 中央民族大学学报: 哲学与社会科学版, 1997, (5): 22-29.试析西藏封建农奴制下的庄园经济与寺院经济罗莉在西藏漫长的封建农奴制社会形态下，有两种特殊经济形式一直伴随其始终，直至其灭亡。它们即是封建领主庄园经济与寺院经济。它们是西藏特定历史条件下的必然产物。然而正是它们的发展，使西藏长期处于一种超稳定的自然经济...

[Luo Li.Analysis on Manor Economy and Temple Economy at the Tibetan Feudal Serfdom. Journal of the Minzu University of China: Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition, 1997, (5): 22-29.]

[47]
绛曲坚赞. 朗氏家族史. 拉萨: 西藏人民出版社, 2002.

[Changchub Gyaltsen.Lang Shi Jia Zu Shi. Lhasa: The Tibet People's Publishing House, 2002.]

[48]
焦应旗. 西藏志. 台北:成文出版社, 1968.

[Jiao Yingqi.The Chorography of Tibet. Taipei: Chengwen Press, 1968.]

[49]
松筠. 卫藏通志. 拉萨:西藏人民出版社.. 1982.

[Song Yun.Wei Zang Tong Zhi. Lhasa: The Tibet People's Publishing House, 1982.]

[50]
西藏社会历史调查资料丛刊编辑组. 西藏社会历史调查. 北京: 民族出版社, 2009.

[The Editing Group of Tibet Social History Investigation Date Series. Tibetan Social History Investigation. Beijing: The Ethnic Publishing Press, 2009.]

[51]
曹树基. 中国人口史(第五卷): 清时期. 上海: 复旦大学出版社, 2001.

[Cao Shuji.Zhong Guo Ren Kou Shi (diwujuan): Qing shiqi. Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2011.]

[52]
西藏自治区地方志编纂委员会. 西藏自治区志·税务志. 北京: 中国藏学出版社, 2005.

[Compiling Committee of Chorography in Tibet. The Chorography of Tibetan Autonomous Region: Shui Wu Zhi. Beijing: China Tibetology Press, 2005.]

[53]
格桑卓嘎, 洛桑坚赞, 伊苏. 铁虎清册. 北京:中国藏学出版社, 1991.

[Gesangzhuoga, Luosangjianzan, Yi Su. Tie-hu List. Beijing: China Tibetology Press, 1991.]

[54]
谭其骧. 中国历史地图集(第八册). 北京: 中国地图出版社, 1996.

[Tan Qixiang.Historical Atlas of China: The Eighth Book. Beijing: SinoMaps Press, 1996.]

[55]
张镱锂, 李炳元, 郑度. 论青藏高原范围与面积. 地理研究, 2002, 21(1): 1-8.<p>长期以来 ,种种因素导致学者们对青藏高原确切范围的认识和理解存在差异。根据青藏高原相关领域研究的新成果和多年野外实践 ,从地理学角度 ,充分讨论了确定青藏高原范围和界线的原则与涉及的问题 ,结合信息技术方法对青藏高原范围与界线位置进行了精确的定位和定量分析。得出 :青藏高原在中国境内部分西起帕米尔高原 ,东至横断山脉 ,横跨 31个经度 ,东西长约 2 94 5km ;南自喜马拉雅山脉南缘 ,北迄昆仑山 -祁连山北侧 ,纵贯约 13个纬度 ,南北宽达 15 32km ;范围为 2 6&deg;0 0&prime;12&Prime;N～ 39&deg;4 6&prime;5 0&Prime;N ,73&deg;18&prime;5 2&Prime;E～ 10 4&deg;4 6&prime;5 9&Prime;E ,面积为 2 5 72 4&times; 10 3km2 ,占我国陆地总面积的 2 6 8%。</p>

[Zhang Yili, Li Bingyuan, Zheng Du.A discussion on the boundary and area of the Tibetan Plateau in China. Geographical Research, 2002, 21(1): 1-8.]

[56]
David R F.Land-use history (1730-1990) and vegetation dynamics in central New England, USA. Journal of Ecology, 1992, 80(4): 753-772.1. Histories of changing land use and vegetation of a 380-ha forested area in central Massachusetts (Prospect Hill tract of the Harvard Forest) were reconstructed to investigate (i) the environmental controls over land ownership patterns, agricultural practice and logging activity, and (ii) the vegetation response to these land-use factors. 2. Forest clearance and agricultural expansion parallel trends for central New England: increasing rates of deforestation through the late eighteenth century led to a peak in 1820-80 when more than 80% of the land was open. Reforestation on abandoned fields commenced in 1850 and increased progressively through the early twentieth century. 3. Ownership patterns varied temporally in turnover rate and size of individual holdings. Twenty-five lots comprising the study area were sold an average of 13 times in the period 1730-1910. Land sales were greatest in the period of speculation and low-intensity agriculture (1730-90), lowest during the transition to commercial agriculture and small-scale industry (1790-1840), and high during the period of agricultural decline in the mid to late 1800s. 4. Land use in the mid 1800s, including woodlot (13% of the study area), tilled fields (16%), pasture (70%) and marsh (1%), formed an intricate pattern best explained by soil drainage and proximity to farmhouses and town roads. This land-use pattern controlled the reforestation process: field abandonment and reforestation proceeded outward from poorly drained pasture adjacent to the continuous woodlots and eventually included productive tilled land. 5. The consequences of 250 years of land-use activity vary at different scales. Regionally, the distribution of modern and pre-settlement forest types match well despite structural changes and the loss of some tree species. At a landscape scale, modern forest characteristics are strongly controlled by land use. Canonical correspondence analysis indicates that community variation is best explained by historical factors (distinction between primary and secondary woodlands, forest age, cutting history and timing of site abandonment) and site factors (slope position and soil drainage). Picea rubens and Tsuga canadensis forests are restricted to primary woodlands, Pinus strobus and sprouts of Castanea dentata are largely confined to old pastures, and Betula populifolia, Populus spp. and Acer rubrum are most abundant in cut-over old-field Pinus stands. 6. Long-term forest trends in the twentieth century include a decrease in the importance of Pinus strobus due to logging and the 1938 hurricane, a gradual decline in early successional hardwoods (Betula populifolia, Populus spp.. Acer rubrum), and increase in later successional spec

DOI

[57]
西藏自治区历史档案馆. 西藏地方历史档案丛书·灾异志: 雪灾篇. 拉萨: 西藏人民出版社, 1985.

[Historical Archives of Tibetan Autonomous Region. The Tibet History Archives Series: Zai Yi Zhi (The Snow). Lhasa: The Tibet People's Publishing House, 1985.]

[58]
石志新. 清代后期甘宁青地区人口与耕地变量分析. 中国农史, 2000, 19(1): 72-79.古代中国传统的经济模式决定了 人口和耕地是构成国力的两大经济因素，它们 的增减升降，一直被视为治乱兴衰的标志。因此，对清代后期甘宁青地区人口与耕地 的变量作对比分析，有助于认识当时这一地区的许多社会问题。文章分三个时期讨 论了清代后期甘宁青人口和耕地变量情况。从而认为：（一）人口和土地是两个互为 依赖又互相制约的因素。在特定的生产力发展水平条件下，人口对土地有一个大致 合理的要求量，如果客观条件所提供的土地小于这个量，就会制约人口的发展。（二） 如果作长期的历史考察，就会发现在旧日的中国，耕地是一个缓变量，增减波动趋势 平缓；人口是一个激变量，波动趋势急剧，波动周期短。（三）人口往往表现为一个社

[Shi Zhixin.Analysis on variable of the population and land in the area of Gan, Ning and Qing of the late Qing dynasty. Agricultural History of China, 2000, 19(1): 72-79.]

[59]
李明森. 西藏土地资源概况. 自然资源, 1978, (2): 27-29, 31-42.lt;正> 辽阔富饶的西藏自治区占据着“世界屋脊”——青藏高原的大部分,面积约120万平方公里,占全国土地总面积八分之一。境内自然环境独特而复杂,农业自然资 源丰富多采,具有鲜明的高原地方特色。全区除西北隅为寂凉的高寒荒漠外,绝大部分地区为农林牧提供广袤而有价值的土地资源。据初步统计,各种类型天然草场 面积约有十二亿亩,为我国第三大牧区,高原东南部山地蕴藏着丰富的森林资源,森林复盖面积达九千万亩,是我国

[Li Mingsen. Tibet land resource survey. Resources Science, 1978, (2): 27-29, 31-42.]

[60]
关卫星, 焦国成, 刘启勇, 等. 西藏一江两河地区农业耕作制度的现状与改革对策. 西藏农业科技, 2012, 34(4): 44-48.根据西藏一江两河地区农业资源的特点、耕作制度现状以及存在的问题，就今后一段时期，西藏一江两河地区农业耕作制度改革提出相应的对策，以提高该区域的依靠科技进步，着力改善农产品的品质，提高农产品附加值，提高农业经济效益。

DOI

[Guan Weixing, Jiao Guocheng, Liu Qiyong, et al.Present situation and reform countermeasure on agricultural tillage system in the “YLN” region of Tibet. Tibet Journal of Agricultural Sciences, 2012, 34(4): 44-48.]

[61]
孙颔, 石玉林. 中国农业土地利用. 南京: 江苏科学技术出版社, 2003.

[Sun Han, Shi Yulin.Agricultural Land Use in China. Nanjing: Jiangsu Science and Technology Press, 2003.]

Options
Outlines

/

〈 〉