The paper begins with a brief description of assembly processes in the semiconductor industry. The organizational structure and geography of the assembly operations of US semiconductor firms are then considered. Two issues in particular are examined, namely (a) the conditions under which vertical integration and disintegration of assembly tend to occur, and (b) the reasons why most semiconductor assembly is performed offshore. Lengthy empirical descriptions are offered of the assembly activities of US semiconductor firms in (a) the United States, (b) Western Europe, and (c) the world periphery and semiperiphery (above all, East and Southeast Asia). The paper concludes with a short critical comment on the theory of the new international division of labor.

The development of globalization and advancement of production technology further lead to the transformation of social production organization. New international division of labor has penetrated into the inner layer of products, and the global value chain and the global production networks have been brought into multidisciplinary research. The new theories can better explain the new changes of production organization in modern world. Based on introducing the concepts and remarks of global production networks, this paper firstly discusses the general organization of global production networks of computer industry. Secondly, according to two indexes of value increment and profitability, the paper proposes two kinds of smiling curve and takes the GPN framework to explain it, including value analysis and its spatial competition, corporation organization and power distribution. Thirdly, the paper studies the smiling curve of Chinese computer industry, and holds discussions on value and its spatial competition, and then discusses embeddness of Chinese computer industry to global production networks.

产品内分工已成为支配当代企业分工与产品生产的重要模式。研究智能手机生产网络价值分配格局,对辨析中国大陆企业在移动通讯产业价值链中所处地位与演进具有重要意义。论文利用2012—2017年苹果公司供应商数据,以其零部件价值含量与技术要求为测度标准,分析了苹果手机零部件全球价值链的分配特征以及中国大陆企业在其中的地位变化。发现：高价值环节的供应商主要以美国、日本、韩国为主,而中低价值环节则以中国台湾、日本和中国大陆供应商为主,且中国大陆与中国台湾在中间环节占据重要地位。处于价值链高端的供应商分支数量在中国大陆和美国缩减明显,日本、韩国较为稳定,中国台湾增加明显。在价值链的中低端环节,供应商分支趋向中国大陆集中。印度、巴西以及越南等地成为新的中低端价值环节转移承接地。近年来,中国大陆在苹果手机价值链的高端环节得到了提升,长三角、珠三角、京津冀、成渝、中原地区等地逐渐形成了苹果供应商分支的集聚区域,呈现出零部件生产的区域分工特征。长三角(上海-苏州为核心)与珠三角(深圳-东莞为核心),承接了价值链多个生产环节,是中国大陆嵌入苹果手机生产网络的主要阵地。成渝地区既承接了芯片类企业布局,也承接了价值链低端的组装代工和包装服务环节,呈现出在价值链两端双向承接的特征。环渤海、福建及湖南等地主要承接苹果手机价值链的中间环节,而中原地区主要以苹果手机组装与包装服务为主,承接价值链的低端环节。最后,论文从创新驱动、政府作用与外资等方面探讨了影响中国大陆地位提升的因素。

Based on the data of Apple suppliers from 2012 to 2017, this study conducted an empirical analysis of the global value chains of iPhone parts, and the changing role of Chinese enterprises according to the cost value of different parts of mobile phone. The conclusions are as follows: Firstly, suppliers of the key parts were mainly located in the United States, Japan, and South Korea, and they were in the core of value chain governance; while the important and general components were mainly from Japan and Chinese mainland and Taiwan, China. Secondly, the production of most parts was completed in Chinese mainland and Southeast Asia. In recent years, Chinese mainland's status of the "world factory" for general parts of iPhone has been further consolidated, but at the same time, breakthroughs have been made in some important links of the value chains, and Chinese mainland has gradually moved to the high end of the value chain. Thirdly, the Yangtze River Delta, the Pearl River Delta, the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, the Chengdu-Chongqing region, and the Central Plains have become the core production base of iPhone's components. iPhone parts industrial clusters have been formed in the Yangtze River Delta and the Pearl River Delta, and they have become the main base for Chinese mainland's enterprises to embed in iPhone's global value chain. The Chengdu-Chongqing region is not only the base for chip companies, but also the location for assemblying and packaging services at the low end of the value chain, which indicates the two-way acceptance at both ends of the value chain. The regions around the Bohai Bay, Fujian Province, Hunan Province, and some other places mainly carry on the production of the medium part of the value chain, while the Central Plains mainly carry on the production of the mobile phone assembly and packaging services. Finally, we analyzed the driving factors that upgraded Chinese mainland's status in the global value chains.

采用2012年与2019年苹果手机全球供应商数据,基于GPN 2.0的相关理论建立分析框架,探索苹果手机全球生产网络中主要行动者类型、行动者策略、进入与退出动态、地理分异性、网络动力机制和战略耦合机制。该网络主要行动者是美国、日本、韩国、中国大陆、中国台湾省,布局全球生产网络的热点地区在亚洲;网络中有六类行动者,行动者策略是企业间控制与企业间合作,网络产生和演化的动力机制为成本-能力比率、市场需要、金融约束和风险环境,主要行动者通过本土创新、国际合作关系和生产平台战略耦合机制嵌入苹果手机的全球生产网络。最后,从转型创新模式、孵化自主供应链角度对中国行动者产业升级提出对策建议。

Globalization has been reshaping the way of local industries connecting with the global economy. With the rise of emerging economies and regional production networks in East Asia, the traditional division of labor in mobile phone manufacturing industry is changing. This paper uses the data of iPhone's global suppliers in 2012 and 2019, and establishes an analytical framework based on the relevant theories of GPN 2.0, and explores the geographic differentiation, the competitive dynamics strategy of network, strategic coupling, entry and exit dynamics and regional division and evolution in China of iPhone's global production network. The study found the following: (1) The main actors of the network are the United States, Japan, South Korea, Chinese mainland and China Taiwan province, and the hot spots in the global production network are located in Asia; (2) There are six types of actors in the global production network of iPhone, and their strategies of configuring the global production networks interfirm control and interfirm partnership; (3) The competitive dynamics strategy are cost-capability ratios, market development, financial discipline and managing risks, in addition, the main actors have embedded the global production network of the iPhone through three strategic coupling models (indigenous innovation, international partnership and production platforms), which are deeply embedded in differentiated national/regional industrial policies, corporate strategies, location advantages (proximity effects), industrial clusters, government-enterprise relations, and business institution (family group in home economies); (4) iPhone's supply chain in China is dominated by foreign-implanted supply chain. Furthermore, the core components supplied by China's actors are optical devices and display/touch modules, and their advantages are reflected in system integration, incremental innovation and production-related R&D capabilities. Finally, based on the impact of trade war between China and the United States on China's participation in global division of labor, this paper puts forward suggestions from the perspective of transforming innovation model and incubating independent and controllable supply chain: (1) Radical innovation is not the only way to achieve industrial upgrading, in other words, successful incremental innovation or integrated innovation is more suitable for China's small and medium-sized private enterprises in the mobile phone manufacturing; (2) China's actors should incubate independent and controllable supply chain system on the basis of resource integration at home and abroad to enhance the global competitiveness.

本文基于2019年苹果手机供应商数据,从全球价值链视角构建全球化城市网络,将具有全球化职能的专业城市与世界城市纳入同一分析框架,运用社会网络与社区发现方法,研究了研发型、生产型、代工服务型城市网络的节点中心性、整体拓扑结构、社群结构及影响机制。结果发现：① 苹果手机零部件的全球化城市网络均具有多中心与多样化、节点等级化、联系外部化特征,网络中“明星”节点高权力—高声望并存且权力总体高于声望;② 研发型城市网络联系最紧密,趋于首位城市分布,小团体结构与集群发育明显。生产型网络关联性最高,网络趋于均匀结构与位序—规模分布。代工服务型网络中心性最高,权力集中在少数城市节点,众多节点易受核心节点控制与支配。③ 研发型城市社区集群最明显,企业通过知识关联效应形成专业化集群,获取本地化经济益处,并通过链式与轮轴式布局建立基于关系接近的跨国网络社区。生产型城市社区集群次之,企业通过经济关联效应形成一般化集群,获取城市化经济益处,通过网络式布局建立基于地理接近的本国内跨行政区网络社区。代工服务型城市社区未发育出明显集群网络,企业通过低成本关联实现规模经济,世界工厂模式形成散点式网络社区。

Based on the data of 197 suppliers of iPhone components and parts in 2019, this paper builds multidimensional world city networks from the perspective of global value chains, integrating specialized cities with global functions and the high-class world cities into the same analytical framework, which enriches the research perspective of world city networks in the era of globalization to a certain extent. The purpose of this paper is to expand the research and investigation scope of the existing field of world city networks. By means of social network analysis (i.e. the analysis of centrality, connectedness and network cohesion), rank-size rule and community detection, we study the power and prestige, the overall topological structure, the community structure and influence mechanism of the city networks of R&D-oriented, production-oriented and OEM service-oriented types. The results show that: (1) All the world city networks are characterized by polycentricity and diversification, differentiation of nodes' status and dependence on external connections. The "star" nodes in the network coexist with high power and high prestige, and the power is generally higher than the prestige. (2) The network cohesion and rank of R&D-oriented cities are the highest, and the network tends to show a primate city distribution, and the growth of small group structure and the phenomenon of R&D clusters are obvious. The production-oriented network has the highest connectedness, and it tends to present a rank-size distribution and an equilibrium structure. Its network scale is large, but the ties of many nodes are sparse and decentralized; OEM service-oriented network has the highest relative centrality, and power and information are concentrated in a few city nodes. (3) The cluster characteristics of R&D-oriented city communities are most noticeable. Moreover, the network has significant long-distance knowledge spillover and cooperation behavior. Enterprises form specialized clusters in R&D-type cities through non-tradable interdependence, and obtain the benefits of localization economies and spatial integrated effects. The cluster tendency of production-oriented city communities are relatively obvious. Geographical proximity and spatial dependence are the main factors incubating community structure. Enterprises form generalized clusters through tradable interdependence to obtain the benefits of urbanization economies and distance attenuation effect. No obvious cluster network has been incubated in OEM serviced-oriented city communities. Polarization phenomenon of the inter-community is extremely significant, that is to say, the core city community in Taiwan, China, radiates to other low-level equilibrium communities, forming a radial community structure. Contract manufacturers seek the cities with low labor costs around the world to carry out standardized production, and realize full competition through scale economies, therefore, a scatter-type city network layout structure is formed.

经济全球化浪潮下的世界经济地理格局和中国角色演变一直以来都是学术界关注的热点问题,然而当前学界偏重从国家经济模式和国际贸易角度来解释这种格局的变化,而较为缺乏基于生产组织视角的经济地理解释。因此,本文从经济地理视角出发,解析经济全球化浪潮下世界经济地理格局变动与中国角色的演变。本文揭示了在三次全球化浪潮的冲击下,世界经济地理格局从“核心—边缘”到“链式重构”再到“网络不均衡”的演变过程,以及经济全球化的驱动力如何从“贸易全球化”转变为“生产全球化”,继而朝“多元全球化”演进。本文还论述了中国如何通过战略耦合模式的动态调整实现从经济全球化的参与者到变革者的转变。本文认为这种角色转变,改变了西方发达经济体对后发经济体的预设发展路径,以及经典的产业梯度转移理论所预测的空间秩序,为全球化格局的变动带来新的重构动力与可能。最后,本文结合此次新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情全球爆发带来的影响对未来经济全球化发展存在的可能路径进行分析,并从经济地理学视角为中国未来经济全球化发展道路选择提供了参考建议。

From the perspective of economic geography, this paper studies the changing spatial pattern of world economy and China's role in different waves of economic globalization. Firstly, this study finds that the geographical pattern of world economy changes from "core-periphery" to "chain-reconfiguration", and to current "network-imbalance". Meanwhile the driving force of economic globalization shifts from "trade globalization" to "manufacturing globalization". At present, "multiple globalization" is involving into a new engine to driving the development of economic globalization. We then discuss that how China changes its role in economic globalization by changing modes of strategic coupling. We argue that the role transition of China breaks the traditional developing path which developed countries set for developing countries and theoretical spatial order put forward by classical industry gradient transfer, bringing new restructuring power and possibility for changing pattern of globalization. Finally, we discuss the impacts of COVID-19 pandemic on the development of economic globalization and the development trend of economic globalization in the post-pandemic era. Based on the analysis, we come up with some suggestions regarding to the potential development paths of China under the background of economic globalization.

回顾改革开放40年,在深刻的制度变革环境下,中国工业实现快速发展,中国工业地理格局也在经济转型中得到重塑。中国工业总体上经历了从内陆扩散到沿海地区集聚,再向内陆转移的过程。但不同类型产业地理格局及变化受制于不同力量,显现出一定的行业差异性。与改革开放之初相比,中国工业在不同地理尺度上呈现出明显的集聚趋势,但集聚程度较欧盟和美国低。产业的聚集与分散驱动不同尺度下的产业迁移,导致区域产业频繁进入和退出,促使地方产业呈现多样化态势,推动中国工业地理格局演变。从经济转型的视角出发,改革开放可概括为市场化、全球化和分权化三个过程,这些过程创造市场力量,激活地方力量,引入全球力量,共同重塑了中国工业地理格局。

Looking back on the 40 years of reform and opening-up, Chinese industry has achieved rapid growth and development, and Chinese industrial geography has been profoundly reshaped under the profound institutional evolution environment. Chinese industry has undergone a process of spreading in the inland to agglomeration in the coastal areas and then dispersion towards the inland again. However, the geographical pattern of different types of industries is influenced by different forces, leading to differences in the spatial restructuring process. Since the beginning of reform and opening-up in 1978, Chinese industries have been increasingly more agglomerated at different geographical scales, but still much lower than the European Union and the United States. Industrial agglomeration and decentralization drive industrial migration at different scales. In spite of the heterogeneity of industries, industrial migration has generally changed from a scattered layout to an agglomeration pattern in coastal areas; and in recent years, industrial migration has gradually shifted from developed eastern provinces to central provinces, indicating a new round of industrial migration. Remarkable regional industrial entries and exits have promoted the evolution and diversification of local industries. Overall, Chinese industrial space tends to be more complex and concentrated, the links between industries are further strengthened with a more obvious "path dependence" characteristics of industrial evolution in coastal areas. Theoretically, Chinese economic reform is not only the reform of development mode, but also the reform of institutions in essence. The fundamental triple process of marketization, globalization and decentralization has introduced market forces, local forces, and global forces to reshape Chinese industrial geography. And for the study of Chinese industrial geography, besides continuing to summarize patterns and dynamics from multiple perspectives, it is necessary to reveal the deep-level mechanism of the evolution of industrial geography pattern through phenomena, and evaluate the multiple effects of the reshaping of industrial geographical pattern systematically.

Foreign direct investment has been a key driving force for China's urban development since the economic reform and opening up. Beijing is one of the favored locations by foreign investors. Foreign enterprises in Beijing have played a significant role in restructuring its production spaces and industrial compositions. Compared with their domestic counterparts, foreign enterprises are rational decision-makers and have more flexibility and freedom in choosing their locations. Governed by market forces, foreign enterprises are not randomly distributed within a city and their locational patterns are detectable. Based on data from the second census of basic units, this paper attempts to picture the spatial patterns of foreign enterprises in Beijing. Efforts are further made to investigate the locational behavior of foreign enterprises by incorporating firm-specific, industry-specific and location-specific factors in an ordered probit model (OPM). Empirical results show that foreign enterprises in manufacturing tend to agglomerate in the central city, but being diffused to the remote suburbs and having indeed promoted the industrial suburbanization in Beijing. Statistical results suggest that large and newly established manufacturing enterprises favor the suburbs while wholly foreign owned manufacturing enterprises and those producing multiple types of products tend to locate in the inner city. Industrial agglomeration pushes foreign manufacturers to the suburbs. Industry-specific factors play a crucial role in determining locations of foreign enterprises in Beijing. Those in resource and labor intensive sectors are inclined to locate in the suburbs while those in capital and technology intensive sectors are likely to favor the central city. The results have important policy implications for urban industrial restructuring in Beijing.

企业区位是理解区域经济转型与空间重构的微观基础。本课程全面回顾了区位研究的理论视角及其发展，归纳总结了企业地理集聚的影响因素、基本假设以及相关的经济地理学议题。最后，从珠三角外资制造业企业地理集聚中寻找微观证据，运用地理空间分析方法与空间模型，探索企业异质性对于FDI区位的现实影响。主要观点如下：

<p>Firm&rsquo;s Geographical Agglomeration and Location Choice</p>

价值链的空间重组正在深刻的改变着城市体系的经济景观,建立在价值链分工基础上的城市功能结构的研究已经成为经济地理学的重要课题。将中国上市公司500强企业网络划分为公司总部、商务服务、研究开发、传统制造、现代制造、物流仓储和批发零售七种类型功能区块,研究了中国城市价值链功能分工及其影响因素。结果发现：沿着价值链的功能分工已经成为中国城市体系经济景观的显著特征,功能多样化城市和功能专业化城市并存于中国城市体系,东部地区和城市密集地区的城市在价值链分工中占据了更好的地位;中国城市按照价值链中的优势功能可以划分为九种类型,少数城市转变为承载公司总部、研究开发、商务服务等多样化功能的高等级中心城市,而大量中小城市则转变为传统制造专业化基地;市场潜力、关键资源、区位条件、营商环境等城市属性特征是城市功能分工的重要影响因素,城市资源、区位可达性等属性特征的增强将提高城市成为总部基地、商务中心和研究基地的概率,而降低城市成为传统制造基地的概率。

Decreasing spatial transaction and trade costs facilitates the geographical fragmentation of functions, i.e. the stages or activities within product value chain could give rise to functional differentiation of cities. Despite the recent advances in the study of the spatial structure of urban networks, the analysis of functional differentiation of cities across multi-location firms' value chain has been largely neglected. The study sets out to investigate the patterns of functional division of economic activities within China's urban system, and explore the underlying factors with multiple regression models. To this end, data on the corporate networks of China's top 500 public companies in 2018 are collected, and the establishments within the corporate networks are grouped into seven functions: headquarters, business services, research and development, modern manufacturing, standardized production, logistics, and wholesale and retail. The following results are obtained. First, different types of functions within the value chain show different spatial patterns, which leads to the differentiation of urban functions, and promotes the transformation of Chinese cities from sectoral specialization to functional specialization. The three knowledge-rich functions of headquarters, business services and research and development are mainly centralized in the core cities of China's major urban agglomerations, while standardized production has the lowest level of spatial concentration. The second major finding is that functional specialization co-exists with functional diversification within the urban system in China. Overall, large cities are much more functionally diversified, while small and medium-sized cities tend to be specialized in standardized production. Using the clustering algorithm based on self-organizing feature maps, the 334 cities in China can be classified into 9 functional types. Third, location fundamentals play a key role in driving the functional differentiation of cities. Although city size, vital resources, accessibility, urban infrastructure, business environment positively contribute to the presence of all functions, their marginal effects differ across the seven functions. The improvement of economic scale and vital resources will increase the probabilities for cities to develop into headquarter centers, business service centers and R&D centers, while reducing the probabilities of cities is becoming standardized production bases. The traditional urban resource advantages has been transformed into the competitive advantages of urban functional status, suggesting that the development gaps between cities in China will further be enlarged under the network environment.

As a leading sector, electronic information industries in Beijing have strong strength and good prospects.The present studies focus on the analysis of the spatial distribution of high technology industries and electronic information industries.There have been relatively few studies on the spatial distribution of electronic information industries from the perspective of enterprises, especially on the spatial distribution of main value chain parts.</br>This paper selected 30 large electronic information enterprises to do study based on the research on spatial distribution of electronic information industries.We collected its information about spatial distribution in Beijing by reading 2011 Report of Transnational Corporations in China, browsing official websites and so on.This article analyzed the spatial distribution of headquarters, research departments, production departments, sales and marketing departments in Beijing.The conclusions are as follows.The electronic information industries were obviously suburbanized and agglomerated in suburban areas.The main value chain parts of large electronic information enterprises were also agglomerated and the suburbanization of production departments most obvious.The spatial distribution of electronic information industries and enterprises exhibited a polycentric spatial structure. The functional division among main electronic information industries agglomeration areas and the regional division based on value chain of large electronic information enterprises had emerged.

产业地理学研究产业空间分布及其动态演化规律。基于地理邻近性的集聚理论揭示了产业地理不平衡分布的内在机制。演化经济地理学借鉴演化经济学的历史视角,从历史角度考察经济活动空间分布的渐进演化机制,认为地理邻近性不是产业地理格局演化的充分必要条件,以认知邻近性为核心的多维邻近性能够提供更好的解释。本文从认知邻近视角系统地分析了中国区域产业发展与布局动态演化规律,总结出中国产业发展与布局的“关联法则”,即一个企业或区域进入（或退出）某项经济活动的概率是该企业或地区拥有的基于相关知识基础的经济活动的函数。本文全面地回顾了关联法则涉及的关键概念,梳理企业和区域尺度的实证研究成果,讨论关联法则在中国的适用性及其补充和拓展。本文指出：① 在认知邻近视角下,基于资源转换和组织学习等理论基础,关联法则研究了企业或区域发展新产业与现有产业之间的关系。② 关联法则不仅适用于中国企业和区域尺度,还会影响区域经济发展、创新和韧性等。③ 外部联系、冲击以及内部制度环境等可能会降低区域产业动态对本地产业基础的依赖性。关联法则指出中国区域需培育内生发展模式,围绕现有区域能力、技术和知识积累发展区域产业和实现区际产业优化布局与分工,逐步建立相关多样化的产业体系,增强区域韧性,支撑国内经济循环。

Geographical distribution and agglomeration of industries have been a long lasting concern of economic geographers. Some studies have stressed geographical proximity and industrial agglomeration as the key driving force of uneven distribution of industries. Recently, evolutionary economic geography, based on evolutionary economics, has adopted a dynamic and historic perspective to study the evolution of regional industrial dynamics. It argues that geographical proximity is neither sufficient nor necessary for efficient knowledge spillovers; instead, it calls for more attention to the idea of cognitive proximity as well as its importance in regional industrial dynamics. The idea is that for knowledge spillovers to take place effectively, some kind of cognitive proximity in terms of shared competencies must be in place. Inspired by this, we examine China's regional industrial development through the lens of cognitive proximity, and propose the "principle of relatedness", that is, the probability of a region to enter/exit one specific economic activity is heavily dependent on regional pre-existing economic profile and local knowledge base. This paper first introduces some key, relevant concepts, and then reviews empirical studies that are underpinned by the "principle of relatedness". Furthermore, it discusses the applicability of "principle of relatedness" in the Chinese context. Our main findings are as follows: (1) theories on resource base view and knowledge spillovers both support the existence of the "principle of relatedness"; (2) the "principle of relatedness" enables us to better understand China's regional economic development, innovation and resilience; however, (3) the effectiveness of the "principle of relatedness" may be compromised by external shocks and internal institutions. One policy implication from the "principle of relatedness" as well as our empirical research is that Chinese regions should seek to diversify related industries and enhance related variety of their regional profiles. In doing so, they are able to become more economically resilient and achieve more sustainable economic development.

Standing at a crossroads, where ongoing ‘slowbalisation’ coincides with new forces such as the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, heightened geopolitical tensions, the emergence of disruptive technologies and the increasing urgency of addressing environmental challenges, many important questions remain unsolved regarding the nature and impact of the current economic globalisation. This special issue on ‘Globalisation in Reverse? Reconfiguring the Geographies of Value Chains and Production Networks’ aims at showcasing recent work that seeks to contribute to, and advance, the debates on economic globalisation and the reconfiguration of global value chains and production networks. This introductory article has three objectives: first, based on a broad literature review, we aim to identify four key forces, as well as the fundamental relatively stable capitalist logics contributing to the complex reconfiguration of global economic activities. Second, we will position the papers included in this special issue against the four main forces identified and discuss the contributions of each article to capture some emerging cross-paper patterns among them. Finally, we outline the contours of a research agenda that suggests promising avenues for further investigation of the phenomenon of value chain and production network reconfigurations in times of uncertainty.